1 


HISTORICAL  SKETCHES 


OF 


NEW  MEXICO 


FROM    THE 


Earliest  Records  to  the  American  Occupation, 


BY 


L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE,   I 
A  /y 

President  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico, 
Late  Chief  Justice  of  New  Mexico,  Etc. 


LEGGAT   BROTPIERS, 

CHAMBERS  STREET,  NEW  YORK. 

RAMSEY,  MILLETT  &  HUDSON, 
KANSAS  CITY 

1883 


-€/ 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1883,  by 

L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington,  D.  C 


Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  Ramsey,  Mitlett  &  Hudson,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 


DEDICATION. 


TO    THE 

PEOPLE    OF   NEW    MEXICO, 

Three-fold  in  origin  and  language,  but  now  one  in  nationality,  in 

purpose,  and  in  destiny  ; 
To  THE  PUEBLOS, 

Still  representing  in  unchanged  form  the  aboriginal  civilization 
which  built  the  cities  and  established  the  systems  of  government  and 
social  life  which   astonished  the  European  discoverers  nearly  four 
centuries  ago  ; 
To  THE  MEXICANS, 

Who,  in  generosity,  hospitality,  and  chivalric  feeling,  are  worthy 
sons  of  the  Conquistadores,  who,  with  undaunted  courage  and  match- 
less gallantry,  carried  the  cross  of  Christianity  and  the  flag  of  Spain 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth  ; 
To  THE  AMERICANS, 

Whose  energy  and  enterprise  are  bringing  all  the  appliances  of 
modern    science    and    invention   to   develop   the    almost    limitless 
resources  which  nature  has  bestowed  upon  us; 
To  ALL,  AS  NEW  MEXICANS, 

Now  unitedly  engaged  in  advancing  the  prosperity,  and  working 
for  the  magnificent  future  of  the  Territory,  of  which  the  author  is 
proud  to  be  a  citizen,— these  sketches  of  part  of  its  earlier  history  are 
respectfully  dedicated. 


CONTENTS. 


PAOK. 

PKEFACE ,....       7 

CHAPTEK   I— INTRODUCTORY ,...     11 

II — THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES 20 

III — THE  JOURNEY  OF  GABEZA  DE  BACA 40 

IV — THE  EXPEDITION  OF  MARCOS  DE  NIZA 96 

V — THE  EXPEDITION  OF  CORONADO 116 

VI— THE  MISSION  OF  FRIAR  Euiz..... 149 

VrII — THE  EXPEDITION  OF  ESPEJO 153 

VIII — THE  COLONIZATION  BY  ONATE 161 

IX— 1600  TO  1680 167 

X— THE  EXPEDITION  OF  SALDIVAR 176 

XI — THE  QUIVIR A  EXPEDITION  OF  PEN ALOSA 179 

XII— THE  KEVOLUTION  OF  1680 190 

XIII— THE  PUEBLO  GOVERNMENT  1680-1695 197 

XlVr— THE  RECONQEUST  BY  VARGAS 206 

XV— THE  18TH  CENTURY 221 

XVI— 1800  TO  1846 228 

XVII— PIKE'S  EXPEDITION 246 

XVIII— THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL 266 

XIX— THE  INSURRECTION  OP  1837 285 

XX— THE  AMERICAN  OCCUPATION 290 

XXI-THE  REVOLT  OF  1847 ..  313 


PR  EFACE. 


THE  present  volume  has  been  prepared  in  order  to 
meet,  to  some  extent,  the  felt  want  of  some  book  con- 
taining, as  far  as  practicable,  in  a  connected  form,  the 
historical  items  relative  to  New  Mexico,  heretofore 
scattered,  and  often  unobtainable,  or  only  preserved 
in  the  memory  of  persons  fast  growing  old. 

I  have  called  it  "  HISTORICAL  SKETCHES,"  instead  of 
"A  History  of  New  Mexico,"  because  it  is  not  possi- 
ble at  this  time  to  write  a  satisfactory  continuous  ac^ 
count  of  the  history  of  the  Territory.  The  most  of 
the  records  prior  to  1680  were  burned  in  the  Pueblo 
Rebellion;  many  of  those  of  more  recent  date  were 
sold  for  waste -paper,  and  so  lost  or  destroyed,  in  the 
days  of  Governor  Pile;  and  the  remainder  are  unpub- 
lished, and  generally  unavailable,  at  present,  for  the 
purposes  of  the  historian.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  be- 
fore many  more  years  pass,  a  sufficient  appropriation 
will  be  made  by  the  Government  for  the  classification 
and  arrangement  of  all  the  existing  archives,  and  the 
publication  of  such  documents  as  may  have  historic 
value 

It  had  been  hoped  that  records  of  interest  relating 
to  New  Mexico  might  be  preserved  in  the  archives  at 
Guadalajara,  as  all  the  territory  north  of  Zacatecas 
was  subject  to  the  audiencia  of  that  city;  but  the  offi- 
cial investigations  made  by  Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  the 


8  PREF AC  E 

American  Minister,  in  the  year  1873,  destroyed  any 
expectations  from  that  quarter;  as  it  appeared  that, 
even  if  documents  of  that  character  had  previously 
been  in  existence,  they  were  destroyed  by  the  great 
conflagration  of  1859. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  the  following 
books  (among  others)  have  been  consulted:  Relation 
of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Buckingham  Smith;  Relation  of 
Friar  Marcos  de  Niza,  Hakluyt;  Letters  of  Coronado, 
Hakluyt;  Castaneda's  Relation  of  Coronado's  Expedi- 
tion, Ternaux-Compans;  Relation  of  Juan  Jaramillo; 
Histories  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  by  Bernal  Diaz, 
Antonio  de  Solis,  and  Prescott ;  Histories  of  Mexico, 
by  Clavigero,  Mayer,  and  Frost;  W.  W.  H.  Davis' 
"Spanish  Conquest  of  New  Mexico"  and  "El  Gringo;" 
Gemeli  Careri's  Travels  in  New  Spain;  Humboldt's 
New  Spain ;  Penalosa's  Quivira  Expedition,  Shea ; 
Bonnycastle's  Spanish  America;  Pike's  Expedition; 
Gregg's  Commerce  of  the  Prairies;  Marcy's  Prairie 
Traveller;  Kendall's  Santa  Fe  Expedition;  Ruxton's 
Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains;  Meline's  Two 
Thousand  Miles  on  Horseback;  Explorations  in  Texas, 
New  Mexico,  etc.,  Bartlett;  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and 
California,  Branz  Mayer ;  Reports  of  Operations  in 
1846-7,  Emory,  Abert,  Cooke,  and  Johnston ;  Abert's 
Examination  of  New  Mexico;  Hughes'  Doniphan  Ex- 
pedition; Campaign  with  Doniphan,  Edwards;  Con- 
quest of  New  Mexico,  Cooke;  Reconnaissances  in  New 
Mexico,  Johnston,  Smith,  etc.;  Simpson's  Navajo  Ex- 
pedition; Sitgreaves'  Zufii  Expedition;  Heap's  Central 
Route  to  the  Pacific;  Hayes'  Santa  Fe  Trail;  Inman's 


PREFACE. 

Trail  Sketches ;  Anderson's  Silver  Country ;  Peters* 
Life  of  Kit  Carson;  Cozzens'  Marvelous  Country;  Re- 
ports of  Wheeler,  Powell,  Jackson,  Stevenson,  etc. ; 
New  Mexican  Blue  Book,  Hitch;  Bancroft's  Native 
Races ;  North  Americans  of  Antiquity,  Short ;  Mor- 
gan's Homes  of  American  Aborigines  ;  Putnam's  Ar- 
chaeology of  Pueblos,  etc. 

I  beg  to  tender  my  acknowledgments  to  Sergeant 
Francisco  de  la  Pena,  who  was  in  the  Mexican  Mili- 
tary Service  as  early  as  1832 ;  Hon.  Levi  J.  Keithley, 
member  of  the  First  Territorial  Legislature  (1847) ; 
Hon.  Gabriel  Lucero,  Hon.  Samuel  Ellison,  Capt.  J. 
M.  Sena  y  Baca,  Henry  O'Neill,  Esq.,  Hon.  Amadc 
Chavez,  and  others,  for  information  of  value  relative 
to  the  more  recent  history  of  the  Territory. 

L.  B.  P. 

SANTA  FE,  June,  1883. 


HISTORICAL  SKETCHES. 


CHAPTER   I. 


INTRODUCTORY. 

THE   history  of  New  Mexico  may  be  divided   into 
three  epochs — the  Aboriginal  or  Pueblo,  the  Span- 
ish, and  the  American. 

The  aborigines  had  no  written  records,  and  conse- 
quently what  is  known  of  their  history  is  from  tradition 
or  the  relation  of  such  Europeans  as  came  in  contact 
with  them.  Several  times  before  the  final  conquest  and 
occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Spaniards,  travellers 
or  explorers  traversed  the  country ;  sometimes  by  acci- 
dent, as  in  the  case  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca;  sometimes  bent 
on  conquest,  as  with  Coronado ;  sometimes  as  mission- 
aries, as  with  Friar  Ruiz ;  sometimes  to  spy  out  the 
land  for  others,  as  with  Marcos  de  Niza.  Each  of  these, 
in  the  narrative  of  what  he  saw  and  did,  has  given  us  a 
brief  glimpse  of  the  country  as  it  existed  just  at  that 
time;  and  this  is  all  we  have  from  which  to  gain  a 
knowledge  of  the  history,  condition,  and  customs  of  the 
people  during  long  periods.  These  narratives  are  of 
great  interest,  as  they  afford  us  life-like  views  of  a 
unique  form  of  civilization,  existing  almost  isolated, 
in  the  midst  of  encircling  deserts  and  nomadic  tribes. 
But  the  absence  of  chronicles  from  native  sources  makes 
it  impossible  to  give  a  connected  and  continuous  history 
of  that  time.  We  have  isolated  glimpses,  and  nothing 
more.  As  the  Wandering  Jew  is  said  in  the  legend  to 
visit  the  same  locality  at  intervals  of  500  years,  and  to 
find  on  each  occasion  a  new  people  and  altered  customs, 


12  INTRODUCTORY. 

without  having  any  knowledge  of  intervening  events 
or  the  causes  of  such  changes, — so  the  brief  views  into 
the  interior  of  New  Mexico  presented  by  the  early  nar- 
ratives (separated  sometimes  by  nearly  half  a  century) 
reveal  changes  for  which,  with  no  knowledge  of  the 
occurrences  between,  we  cannot  account.  Thus,  when 
Coronado  marched  through  New  Mexico,  Tiguex  and 
Cicuye  were  the  two  most  important  cities  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Rio  Grande;  but  forty  years  later,  when  Es- 
pejo  travelled  over  the  same  ground,  it  is  impossible  to 
distinguish  them  either  by  description  or  by  name.  In 
the  days  of  Coronado,  of  Onate,  and  of  Penalosa,  much 
was  heard  of  Quivira  as  the  great  city  of  transcendent 
riches  and  glory  across  the  eastern  plains ;  but  during 
the  200  years  which  have  since  passed  its  name  is  not 
mentioned. 

All,  then,  that  can  be  done  in  the  way  of  a  history 
of  the  earlier  epoch  is  to  bring  together  what  we  know 
from  various  sources  of  the  origin  and  life  of  the  Pueblo 
aborigines,  and  then  to  present,  one  by  one,  the  brief 
glimpses  that  we  have  of  the  country  from  the  observa- 
tions of  those  who  from  time  to  time  penetrated  to  its 
interior.  The  earliest  of  these  is  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  the 
first  European  who  ever  stood  on  New  Mexican  soil. 
While  his  visit  was  unpremeditated  and  involuntary, 
yet  the  story  of  his  lon'g  journey  across  the  continent, 
of  its  strange  adventures,  its  dangers  and  privations, 
can  never  lose  its  interest;  and  in  New  Mexican  history 
his  name  will  always  have  the  leading  place.  Fortu- 
nately, he  has  left  us  a  full  narration,  made  to  the  king 
on  his  return  to  Spain.  Then  comes  the  expedition  of 
Marcos  de  Niza,  the  record  of  which,  written  by  himself, 
is  so  extravagant  and  exaggerated  that  it  might  thereby 
lose  in  interest  if  his  had  not  been  the  first  journey 
made  for  purposes  of  exploration,  the  first  coming  across 
the  western  desert,  and  the  first  which  brought  any 
European  in  sight  of  one  of  the  great  cities  of  the 


INTRODUCTORY.  13 

Pueblos.  This  was  immediately  followed  by  the  cele- 
brated march  of  Coronado,  who  with  an  army  not  only 
traversed  the  whole  of  New  Mexico,  but  even  crossed 
the  Great'  Plains  to  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Of  all 
the  expeditions  this  was  the  most  important,  as  it  oc- 
cupied a  sufficient  time  for  a  full  examination  of  the 
country ;  and  it  is  matter  for  congratulation  that  we 
have  so  perfect  a  narrative  of  it  as  that  of  Castaneda, 
supplemented  by  the  letters  of  Coronado  himself,  and 
the  relation  of  Captain  Jaramillo. 

Forty  years  pass,  and  then  we  have  the  brief  account 
of  a  journey  of  another  kind,  not  undertaken  for  glory 
or  conquest,  save  the  glory  of  God  and  the  conquest  of 
souls — the  missionary  effort  of  Friar  Ruiz  and  his  com- 
panions, in  1581.  That  led  to  the  expedition  of  Espejo, 
for  the  rescue  of  the  monks;  and  the  wide  extent  of 
country  which  he  traversed — from  El  Paso  to  Zuni — 
gives  us  a  brief  vision  of  many  places  rendered  familiar 
in  Coronado's  day.  Passing  less-important  travellers, 
we  next  come  to  the  colonization  of  the  Rio  Grande 
valley  by  Ofiate,  and  the  establishment  of  a  regular 
Spanish  government  in  the  Province;  with  the  build- 
ing of  churches  and  the  rapid  spread  of  Christianity. 

Then  ensues  a  long  period  of  which  the  records  were 
probably  nearly  all  destroyed  at  the  time  of  the  Pueblo 
Revolution,  though  some  may  yet  be  recovered  in  Mex- 
ico or  Spain ;  and  in  1662  we  have  the  romantic  and 
brilliant  expedition  of  Penalosa  across  "the  Great  Plains 
again  to  the  city  of  Quivira,  which  might  have  brought 
great  results  had  he  been  permitted  to  carry  out  his 
programme  of  conquest  and  colonization.  Throughout 
this  period  we  find  the  natives  being  gradually  reduced 
to  more  and  more  severe  bondage,  until  in  1680  they  at 
last  rose  in  successful  revolt,  and  drove  the  Spaniards 
from  the  country.  From  the  history  of  this  contest  and 
their  subsequent  action,  we  learn  that  their  long  servi- 
tude had  made  them  cruel  and  revengeful,  and  had  un- 


14  INTRODUCTORY, 

fitted  them  for  self-government;  as  the  years  of  their 
supremacy  mark  a  period  of  jealousy  and  conflict,  and 
that  in  which  they  suffered  greater  diminution  in  num- 
bers than  ever  before.  Then  comes  the  protracted  con- 
test for  new  supremacy  by  the  Spaniards,  ending  at  last 
in  1696  by  the  final  subjugation  of  the  natives  and  paci- 
fication of  the  Province.  After  this  follows  a  period 
during  which  no  events  of  great  interest  occurred— gen- 
eration following  generation  in  an  existence  almost  en- 
tirely isolated  from  the  world,  and  the  monotony  of  life 
varied  by  little  save  almost  continual  warfare  with  one 
or  another  Indian  tribe  which  desolated  the  borders. 
Whatever  there  is  of  interest  in  the  succeeding  century 
is  hidden  among  the  remaining  archives  at  Santa  F6, 
or  lost  with  those  which  were  so  needlessly  destroyed. 
But  nothing  occurred  sufficiently  important  to  cause  a 
ripple  on  the  surface  of  the  general  history  of  the  world, 
or  even  of  Mexico.  The  people  lived  happy,  peaceful, 
tranquil  lives,  except  when  aroused  by  Indian  troubles; 
they  improved  their  surroundings  and  amassed  property 
and  wealth,  and  were  less  troubled  by  the  fierce  conflicts 
which  shook  the  world  during  that  period  than  any 
other  civilized  people.  The  revolution  in  Mexico  made 
a  change  in  government,  and  aroused  the  sentiment  of 
independence  among  the  people ;  but  New  Mexico  was 
too  remote  to  be  a  scene  of  conflict,  and  quietly  passed 
from  being  the  dependency  of  a  kingdom  to  its  position 
as  part  of  a  republic.  Meanwhile  the  overland  trade 
with  the  United  States  had  commenced,  and  the  Santa 
Fe  Trail  was  the  route  which  made  the  capital  of  the 
Territory  the  great  distributing  point  for  merchandise 
in  northern  Mexico.  The  revolutionary  spirit  which 
for  so  long  a  time  prevented  stability  in  government  in 
the  Mexican  Republic  affected  New  Mexico  as  well  as 
other  sections ;  and  the  year  1837  saw  an  insurrection 
which  resulted  in  the  killing  of  the  Governor  and  other 
high  officials,  and  the  proclamation  of  a  Pueblo  Indian 


INTRODUCTORY.  15 

as  Provisional  Governor,  soon  followed  by  a  counter- 
movement  which  executed  Gonzales  and  brought  Ar- 
mijo  into  power.' 

Less  than  ten  years  after,  the  American  "Army  of 
the  West,"  under  General  Kearney,  entered  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexico  was  proclaimed  American  territory,  and  a 
provisional  government  established.  The  "  Taos  insur- 
rection," in  which  Gov.  Bent  and  a  number  of  others 
were  killed,  followed;  but  this  was  speedily  suppressed, 
and  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  finally  ceded  the 
Territory  to  the  United  States.  Of  late  years,  with 
more'  perfect  protection  from  Indians,  the  introduction 
of  railroads,  telegraphs,  and  other  modern  inventions,  a 
rapid  increase  in  population,  and  a  general  development 
of  her  unequalled  natural  resources,  New  Mexico  is 
making  rapid  strides  in  progress  and  swiftly  fitting 
herself  to  be  a  rich  and  influential  State  in  the  Amer- 
ican Republic. 

This  is  an  epitome  of  the  history  of  New  Mexico. 
Under  the  peculiar  circumstances  it  is  not  possible  to 
arrange  a  continuous  narrative,  and  all  that  is  attempted 
in  the  chapters  to  follow  is  to  present  the  various  scenes 
in  the  historic  drama  as  truthfully  as  may  be.  In  pre- 
senting the  substance  of  the  narrations  of  the  early 
expeditions,  the  spirit  of  the  old  chronicles  has  been 
retained  as  far  as  possible,  although  it  might  be  strongly 
tinged  by  exaggeration,  as  in  the  case  of  Marcos  de 
Niza;  for  the  reason  that  only  by  that  means  can  we 
properly  appreciate  the  influence  which  those  reports 
had  on  the  actions  of  others.  One  thing  has  to  be 
specially  borne  in  mind  in  judging  either  of  th6 
grade  of  civilization  which  the  Pueblo  Indians  had 
attained,  or  the  dangers  and  difficulties  encountered  by 
the  early  adventurers,  and  the  courage  and  endurance 
necessary  in  surmounting  them — and  that  is,  that  many 
of  the  events  narrated  occurred  nearly  three  and  a  half 
centuries  ago ;  that  the  whole  world  has  made  vast 


16  INTRODUCTORY. 

strides  in  progress  since  that  time,  and  that  systems  of 
various  kinds  which  to-day  may  seem  crude  were  then 
fully  equal  to  the  average  civilization  of  the  world; 
while  a  journey,  which,  with  our  geographical  knowl- 
edge and  rapid  conveyance,  appears  but  a  holiday  trip, 
was  then  a  plunge  into  an  unknown  wilderness,  requir- 
ing enterprise  and  fearlessness  of  the  highest  type.  It 
is  difficult  for  persons  in  our  generation  to  realize  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  various  expeditions  and 
explorations  connected  with  New  Mexico  were  made 
during  the  sixteenth,  and  indeed  the  seventeenth 
century.  We  have  been  so  accustomed  to  the  general 
geographical  contour  of  the  American  continent  from 
our  earliest  youth,  we  know  so  well  the  distance  from 
ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  the  gulf  to  the  Arctic  region, 
that  it  seems  difficult  to  remember  that  the  intrepid 
explorers  who  penetrated  to  the  north,  after  the  fall  of 
the  Montezumas,  had  no  idea  at  all  of  the  extent  of  the 
main-land,  and  were  never  sure,  as  they  ascended  a 
mountain,  but  that  its  summit  would  bring  to  view  the 
South  Sea  to  the  west,  the  North  Sea  or  Atlantic  to  the 
east,  or  the  great  Arctic  Ocean  toward  the  Pole.  Yet  we 
know  that  Columbus  thought  he  had  reached  the  East 
Indies  when  he  first  discovered  land  in  the  western 
hemisphere,  and  that  after  all  his  voyages  he  died  with 
no  idea  of  the  true  distance  to  that  goal ;  that  Hudson 
ascended  the  river  which  bears  his  name,  supposing  it 
to  be  a  strait  leading  to  the  China  Sea,  and  that  the 
Chesapeake  was  explored  in  a  similar  belief;  that  Cali- 
fornia was  for  long  years  represented  on  all  maps  as  an 
island  apart  from  the  American  continent,  and  that  the 
narrowness  of  the  land  between  the  oceans  at  Darien, 
and  even  in  Mexico,  naturally  gave  rise  to  the  idea  that 
the  terra  Jirma  was  of  no  great  width  at  any  point,  and 
the  great  seas  of  the  earth  nowhere  very  far  apart. 
The  universality  of  this  opinion  among  all  nations  is 
illustrated  by  the  fact  that  the  early  charters  of  the 


INTRODUCTORY.  17 

English  colonies  extend  their  limits  westward  to  the 
South  Sea,  with  no  knowledge  as  to  whether  it  might 
be  a  100  or  a  1,000  miles  distant,  but  in  a  belief  that 
would  have  been  shocked  if  any  one  had  suggested  that 
it  was  giving  them  an  area  2,500  miles  in  length. 

The  explorer  of  those  days  was  travelling  entirely 
in  the  dark.  Nothing  in  more  modern  times  has  been 
similar  to,  or  can  again  resemble,  the  uncertainty  and 
romance  of  those  early  expeditions.  For  the  recent  ex- 
plorers of  Africa,  for  example,  had  a  perfect  knowledge 
of  the  shape  of  the  exterior  of  the  continent,  and  knew 
exactly  what  tribes  lived  on  each  shore,  and  what  rivers 
emptied  into  each  ocean.  All  that  was  left  as  a  terra 
incognita  was  a  certain  area  in  the  center,  and  that  of 
known  length  and  breadth.  But  the  early  explorers  of 
America  literally  knew  nothing  of  the  land  they  entered. 
It  was  absolutely  virgin  soil.  They  might  find  impass- 
able mountains  or  enormous  lakes;  they  might  have  to 
traverse  almost  interminable  deserts,  or  discover  rivers 
whose  width  would  forbid  their  crossing ;  they  might 
chance  upon  gigantic  volcanoes,  or  find  themselves  on 
the  shore  of  the  ultimate  ocean.  And  as  to  inhabitants 
and  products  they  were  equally  ignorant. 

We  are  sometimes  induced  to  smile  at  the  marvelous 
stories  related  by  some  of  the  older  explorers,  at  their 
still  more  extravagant  expectations,  and  the  credulity 
with  which  everything  (however  exaggerated  or  unnat- 
ural) relating  to  the  new  continent  was  believed.  But 
we  must  remember  that  it  was  a  day  of  real  marvels,, 
and  that  nothing  could  well  be  imagined  more  extraor- 
dinary and  unexpected  than  those  things  which  had 
already  -been  discovered  as  realities.  An  entire  new 
world  had  been  opened  to  the  enterprise,  the  curiosity, 
the  cupidity,  and  the  benevolence  of  mankind.  It  is 
as  if  to-day  a  ready  mode  of  access  to  the  moon  were 
discovered,  and  the  first  adventurers  to  the  lunar  re- 
gions had  returned  laden  with  diamonds,  and  bearing 


18  INTRODUCTORY. 

tidings  of  riches  and  wonders  far  beyond  the  wildest 
imagination  of  former  generations.  Just  so  the  early 
explorers  had  returned  to  the  Eastward,  telling  of  the 
marvels  of  the  new  Indies;  of  the  luxuriant  vegetation, 
the  vast  extent,  the  untold  riches,  the'  silver  and  the 
gold,  of  the  western  continent.  As  one  adventurous 
explorer  followed  another,  new  discoveries  were  con- 
stantly made;  each  apparently  exceeding  its  prede- 
cessor in  importance,  in  riches,  and  in  glory.  Ameri- 
cus  Vespucius  landed  on  the  main-land  of  the  south, 
,and  the  Cabots  and  Verrazani  skirted  the  shores  of  the 
northern  parts  of  the  continent.  Then  Cortez  discov- 
ered and  conquered  the  great  empire  of  the  Montezu- 
mas,  and  Pizarro  subdued  the  rich  dominion  of  the 
Incas.  The  wealth  of  these  two  fallen  kingdoms  was 
a  marvel,  as  the  accumulated  treasures  of  generations 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors  as  it  were  in  a 
moment. 

After  such  discoveries,  what  might  not  be  expected  ? 
When  the  realities  already  known  so  far  surpassed  all 
former  extravagance  of  imagination,  why  might  not  the 
future  bring  forth  things  even  more  surprising  ?  Why 
might  not  kingdoms  be  found  as  far  transcending  Mex- 
ico and  Peru  as  those  kingdoms  exceeded  the  barbarism 
and  poverty  of  the  savage  inhabitants  of  some  of  the 
first-discovered  islands  ?  There  was  nothing  impossible 
in  this,  nor  illogical  in  the  anticipation;  and  this 
should  be  borne  in  mind  in  reading  of  the  later  expedi- 
tions into  the  interior  of  the  continent,  of  the  readiness 
with  which  stories  of  marvelous  riches  and  stores  of 
gold  and  precious  stones  were  credited,  and  of  the  eager- 
ness with  which  men  braved  danger  and  hardship  in 
the  venturesome  expeditions  of  that  day. 

And  another  element  is  not  to  be  overlooked,  and 
that  is  the  religious  one.  In  many  hearts  this  was  a 
strong,  impelling  principle.  Here  were  unknown  hea- 
then nations  to  be  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the 


INTRODUCTORY.  19 

• 

faith ;  here  were  untold  thousands  of  souls  to  be  saved. 
In  this  view  it  was  the  old  spirit  of  the  Crusaders  that 
was  aroused.  As  men  left  their  homes,  abandoned  their 
property,  deserted  their  families  and  friends,  and  en- 
countered every  form  of  difficult}51  and  danger  to  rescue 
the  tomb  of  the  Lord  from  the  dominion  of  the  unbe- 
lievers ;  so,  a  little  later,  others  imbued  with  the  same 
martyr  spirit  were  ready  to  venture  all  and  suffer  even 
death  to  carry  a  knowledge  of  Christianity  to  heathen 
tribes. 

With  these  facts  in  our  minds,  we  can  better  under- 
stand how  it  was  that,  within  twenty  years  after  the 
fall  of  Montezuma,  Castilian  enterprise  and  prowess 
had  penetrated  more  than  1,500  miles  to  the  north, 
over  mountain  and  desert,  to  the  Land  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  and  how,  later  on,  they  travelled  hundreds  of 
miles  further  into  the  interior,  in  search  of  new  lands 
to  conquer,  new  riches  to  acquire,  and  new  tribes  to 
christianize. 


CHAPTER    II. 


THE    PUEBLO    ABORIGINES. 

THE  origin  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  New 
Mexico  as  found  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Coronado,  and 
the  other  early  travellers  and  explorers,  and  as  existing 
to-day  in  the  persons  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,  is  involved 
in  such  obscurity  that  nothing  certain  can  be  positively 
asserted  of  it.  We  have,  in  the  description  given  by 
the  first  Europeans  who  penetrated  the  country,  the 
pictures  of  populous  communities,  occupying  the  val- 
ley of  the  Rio  Grande  arid  its  branches,  and  extending 
westward  as  far  as  Zuni  and  ^Vloqui,  entirely  different 
in  character  from  the  nomadic  tribes  of  the  plains,  but 
so  analogous  to  each  other  as  to  show  a  common  origin 
and  early  history.  Their  villages  were  alike  in  all  im- 
portant respects,  in  the  material,  the  height  and  pe- 
culiar terrace  form  of  the  houses,  in  the  smallness  of 
the  rooms  and  the  presence  of  estufas,  in  the  methods 
of  ingress  and  of  defense.  Their  dress  was  similar, 
their  customs  identical,  their  agricultural  products  the 
same,  their  pottery  uniform  in  general  design  and  orna- 
mentation. In  all  these  respects  they  were  unlike  the 
tribes  which  surrounded  them,  and  more  similar  to  the 
civilized  people  of  Mexico  than  to  any  who  dwelt 
nearer.  This  is  not  the  place  to  trace  out  all  the  feat- 
ures of  resemblance,  although  the  subject  is  one  so 
interesting  and  inviting  that  it  is  difficult  to  forego  its 
discussion ;  but  suffice  it  to  say  that '  everything  in 
anafogy,  as  well  as  in  tradition,  points  to  the  truth  of 
the  words  of  Baron  von  Humboldt,  where  he  says : 
"Everything  in  these  countries  appears  to  announce 
traces  of  the  cultivation  of  the  ancient  Mexicans.  We 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  21 

are  informed,  even  by  Indian  traditions,  that  twenty 
leagues  north  from  the  Moqui,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Zaguananse,  the  banks  of  the  Nabajoa- were  the 
first  abode  of  the  Aztecs  after  their  departure  from 
Aztlan.  On  considering  the  civilization  which  exists 
on  several  points  of  the  north-west  coast  of  America, 
in  the  Moqui,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Gila,  we  are 
tempted  to  believe  (and  I  venture  to  repeat  it  here)  that 
nt  the  period  of  the  migration  of  the  Toultecs,  the 
Acolhucs,  and  the  Aztecs,  several  tribes  separated  from 
the  great  mass  of  the  people  to  establish  themselves  in 
these  northern  regions  " 

Without  going  into  any  details  of  early  Mexican 
history,  which  would  be  out  of  place  here,  it  is  well  to 
remember  a  few  leading  facts.  The  Toltecs  started  on 
their  southern  pilgrimage  from  the  old  home  at  Hue- 
liuetlapallan  in  the  far  north-west,  in  the  year  1  Tecpatl; 
which  Clavigero  considers  equivalent  to  596  of  our  era. 
"  In  every  place  to  which  they  came,"  says  that  author, 
11  they  remained  no  longer  than  they  liked  it,  or  were 
easily  accommodated  with  provisions.  When  they  de- 
termined to  make  a  longer  stay  they  erected  houses,  and 
sowed  the  land  with  corn,  cotton,  and  other  plants,  the 
seeds  of  which  they  had  carried  along  with  them  to 
supply  their  necessities.  In  this  wandering  manner 
did  they  travel,  always  southward,  for  the  space  of  104 
years,  till  they  arrived  at  a  place  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  T&llantzinco,  about  fifty  miles  to  the  east  of 
that  spot  where  some  centuries  after  was  founded  the 
famous  city  of  Mexico."  Twenty  years  later  they 
moved  forty  miles  west  ward  and  founded  the-city  of  Tol- 
lan,  or  Tula,  named  after  their  native  country,  and  which 
continued  as  their  capital.  Gondra  makes  the  date  of 
their  arrival  in  Anahuac  648,  and  the  foundation  of 
Tula  670;  but  for  some  reason  he  states  the  year  of  their 
departure  from  the  north  as  544,  or  just  a  Mexican 
century  (fifty-two  years)  earlier  than  the  chronology  of 


22  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

Clavigero.  After  them  came  the  Chichimecas,  likewise 
from  the  north,  where  their  country  was  called  Ama- 
quemecan  (Mr.  Short  says  "  Amaquetepic,"  probably 
meaning  the  "Mountain  of  the  Moquis"),  marching 
under  Xolotl,  the  brother  of  their  king,  who  had  heard 
of  the  rich  country  to  the  south  and  was  determined  to 
found  an  independent  empire.  They  were  a  less  civil- 
ized and  more  violent  people  than  the  Toltecs,  and 
Torquemada  says  that  before  the  migration  they  lived 
in  caves  in  the  mountains,  which  may  have  some  con- 
nection with  our  cave  and  clifl  dwellings.  They  were 
soon  succeeded  by  the  three  princes  of  the  Acolhuan 
nation,  with  a  great  host  of  followers,  coming  from 
Tenoacolhuacan,  which  we  are  told  was  near  Ama- 
quemecan,  and  who  by  marriage  with  the  daughters  of 
King  Xolotl  became  dominant  in  the  valley  of  Mexico. 
And  last  came  the  Aztecs,  who  left  their  home  in 
Aztlan,  which  Clavigero  says  was  ua  country  situated 
to  the  north  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  according  to  what 
appears  from  the  route  they  pursued  in  their  migra- 
tion." They  crossed  the  Colorado  River  and  proceeded 
as  far  as  the  Gila,  where  they  remained  for  some  time ; 
the  Casa  Grande,  of  Arizona,  now  so  well  known 
through  the  descriptions  of  Emory,  Bartlett,  and  others, 
and  the  sketches  of  Ross  Browne,  and  at  which  both 
Marcos  de  Niza  and  Coronado  stopped,  being  part  of  the 
remains  of  their  city.  From  thence  they  journeyed  to  the 
place  called  the  Casas  Grandes,  in  Chihuahua,  "  where," 
says  Clavigero,  "the  immense  edifice  still  existing  is 
constructed  on  the  plan  of  those  of  New  Mexico;  that 
is,  consisting  of  three  floors  with  a  terrace  above  themt 
and  without  any  entrance  to  the  under  floor.  The  door 
for  entrance  to  the  building  is  on  the  second  floor,  so 
that  a  scaling-ladder  is  necessary ;  and  the  inhabitants 
of  New  Mexico  build  in  this  manner,  in  order  to  be  less 
exposed  to  the  attacks  of  their  enemies — putting  out 
the  scaling-ladder  only  for  those  to  whom  they  give 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  23 

admission  to  their  house."/  The  famous  picture  which 
was  afterwards  shown  by  Don  Carlos  de  Siguenza  to 
Dr.  Gemeli  Careri,  in  1608,  and  copied  in  the  history  of 
the  travels  of  the  latter,  and  more  recently  reproduced 
in  the  interesting  work  on  Mexican  antiquities  by  the 
learned  Ysidro  R.  Gondra,  in  Mexico,  gives  a  graphic 
representation  of  the  wanderings  of  the  Aztecs  from  the 
time  of  their  leaving  Aztlan  until  their  final  settlement 
in  Mexico.  Tho  date  of  the  commencement  of  this 
migration  is  given  by  Clavigero  at  1170,  and  Boturnini, 
Veitia,  etc.,  make  it  1168 ;  but  there  seems  to  be  an  error 
respecting  this,  for  Gama  puts  it  at  1064,  and  Humboldt, 
who  had  the  benefit  of  all  the  earlier  researches,  at  1038 ; 
the  principal  discrepancy  arising  from  the  omission  by 
the  former  writers  of  two  Mexican  centuries  amounting 
to  104  years. 

The  historical  picture  referred  to  was  found  on  a 
sheet  of  maguey  paper,  thirty-three  inches  long  by 
twenty-one  in  width,  and  hieroglyphically  represents 
each  of  the  places  at  which  the  Aztecs  remained  for  any 
length  of  time  during  their  journey.  After  a  repre- 
sentation of  an  ancient  flood,  in  which  only  one  man 
and  one  woman  were  saved,  and  in  the  history  of  which 
a  dove  plays  an  important  part,  the  picture  presents  the 
march  of  the  Aztecs  from  "  a  place  of  magpies,"  (called 
by  Gondra  "  flamingoes  "),  through  "  a  place  of  grottoes," 
"a  place  of  the  death's  head,"  "  the  woody  place  of  the 
eagle,"  "  chalco,  the  place  of  the  precious  stone,"  "  the 
place  of  passes,"  u  a  whirlpool  where  the  river  is  swal- 
lowed," etc.,  to  the  final  arrival  at  Chapultepec,  "  the 
hill  of  grasshoppers,"  to  which  they  came  in  1245. 

The  legend  of  their  seeing  the  eagle  perched  on  the 
cactus,  and  in  obedience  to  that  omen  determining  to 
found  their  capital  on  that  spot,  gave  rise  to  the  emblem 
on  the  Mexican  coat-of-arms,  and  is  well  known ;  but 
can  be  no  more  than  thus  briefly  alluded  to  in  this  place. 

Whether  the  aborigines  of  New  Mexico  are  of  Toltec 


24  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

or  Aztec  origin,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  are 
a  portion  of  one  or  the  other  of  these  nations  that  for 
some  reason  was  left  behind  in  the  great  migrations.  It 
will  be  observed  that  all  of  the  successive  waves  of  pop- 
ulation that  succeeded  each  other  in  Mexico  came  from 
the  north-west.  They  all  appear  to  have  taken  about 
the  same  route  through  Arizona.  Their  journeys  were 
not  continuous,  nor  with  any  predetermined  plan  as  to 
the  locality  of  ultimate  settlement.  On  the  contrary, 
they  sometimes  occupied  centuries,  and  the  moving  na- 
tion stopped  for  many  years  at  places  which  suited  its 
convenience  or  its  fancy.  There  is  nothing  unnatural 
in  the  supposition  that  an  offshoot  from  the  Toltecs  or 
the  Aztecs  settled  along  the  rivers  of  New  Mexico,  while 
the  main  body  of  their  people  was  in  that  vicinity,  and 
when  the  general  migration  continued  still  farther  to 
the  southward,  remained  contentedly  in  the  homes  they 
had  established.  In  no  other  way  can  we  account  for 
the  existence  of  an  intelligent  people,  living  in  great 
houses  of  excellent  workmanship  and  most  admirably 
adapted  for  defense  against  all  the  weapons  of  that  day; 
with  successful  agriculture,  skillful  manufacturers,  and 
an  excellent  system  of  government;  —  existing  in  the 
midst  of  the  savage  and  wandering  tribes  without  home 
or  property,  who  surrounded  them.  And  their  own  tra- 
ditions, though  vague  and  unsatisfactory,  all  point  to 
the  same  origin.  The  name  of  Montezuma  runs  through 
all  of  these  (not  generally  referring  to  the  king  whom 
we  are  accustomed  to  identify  with  that  name,  but  to 
the  great  chief  of  the  golden  or  heroic  age — the  demi- 
god of  their  earliest  traditions,  watching  over  them 
from  heaven  and  waiting  to  come  again  to  bring  to 
them  victory  and  a  period  of  millcnial  glory  and  hap- 
piness). They  call  themselves  the  People  of  Montezuma, 
or  the  Children  of  the  Sun;  for  the  sun  was  the  real  ob- 
ject of  their  adoration.  The  use  of  the  estufa  for  re- 
ligious and  other  important  purposes  is  universal,  and 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  25 

its  origin  is  attributed  to  Montezuma.  The  little  idol 
representing  God  seen  at  one  of  the  pueblos,  and  de- 
scribed by  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  was  called  Montezuma. 
Their  ancient  dramatic  dances  generally  represent 
Montezuma  and  Malinche. 

One  tradition  is  that  they  came  from  Shipop  in  the 
far  north-west,  beyond  the  sources  of  the  most  distant 
branches  of  the  Rio  Grande.  They  were  wanderers  and 
lived  in  caves  and  sheltered  canons.  For  awhile  they 
sojourned  at  Acoma,  the  birthplace  of  Montezuma,  who 
became  their  ruler  and  guide.  He  taught  them  to 
build  pueblos  with  lofty  houses,  and  to  construct  es- 
tufas  wherein  was  to  be  kept  the  sacred  fire,  ever 
guarded  by  chosen  priests.  Pecos  was  founded  by  him, 
and  here  for  a  long  time  he  dwelt.  He  planted  a  tall 
tree,  saying  that  when  he  disappeared  a  foreign  race 
would  tyrannize  over  his  people,  and  there  would  also 
be  lack  of  rain;  but  they  were  constantly  to  watch  the 
sacred  fire  until  that  tree  should  fall,  when  white  men 
would  appear  from  the  East  to  overthrow  their  oppress- 
ors ;  then  he  would  himself  return  to  reign,  and  peace, 
with  plenty  and  great  riches,  would  prevail.  And  this 
they  say  was  in  part  fulfilled  by  the  coming  of  the 
Americans;  and  that  the  sacred  tree  fell  as  Gen.  Kear- 
ney entered  Santa  Fe. 

The  fire  in  the  estufa  at  Pecos  was  carefully  guarded 
for  hundreds  of  years,  by  vigils  which  grew  in  rigor  as 
the'  number  of  participants  decreased,  until  less  than 
half  a  century  ago  the  Indians  at  that  pueblo  became 
so  reduced  in  numbers  that  they  determined  to  abandon 
their  home,  and  preserving  the  sacred  fire  with  jealous 
and  untiring  care,  they  carried  it  still  burning  to  the 
pueblo  of  Jemez,  where  their  own  language  was  spoken 
and  where  they  and  their  descendants  still  live. 

Lieut.  Simpson  relates  that  Hosta,  his  guide,  and  a 
very  intelligent  Pueblo  Indian,  said  of  the  great 
pueblos  in  the  Chaco  valley,  that  "-they  were  built  by 


26  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

Montezuma  and  his  people  when  on  their  way  from 
the  north  to  the  region  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  to  Old 
Mexico,"  and,  "  that  after  being  there  for  a  while  they 
dispersed,  some  of  them  going  east  and  settling  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  others  south  into  Old  Mexico."  Mr. 
Short,  in  his  "  North  Americans  of  Antiquity,"  says  : 
"  The  many-sided  culture-hero  of  the  Pueblos,  Monte- 
zuma, is  the  centre  of  a  group  of  the  most  poetic  myths 
found  in  ancient  American  mythology.  The  Pueblos 
believed  in  a  supreme  being — a  good  spirit,  so  exalted 
and  worthy  of  reverence  that  his  name  was  considered 
too  sacred  to  mention,  as  with  the  ancient  Hebrews 
Jehovah's  was  the  'unmentionable  name. '  Nevertheless, 
Montezuma  was  the  equal  of  this  great  spirit,  and  was 
often  considered  identical  with  the  Sun.  The  variety 
of  aspects  in  which  Montezuma  is  presented  to  us  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  each  tribe  of  the  Pueblos  had  its  partic- 
ular legends  concerning  his  birth  and  achievements. 
Many  places  in  New  Mexico  claim  the  honor  of  his 
nativity  at  a  period  long  before  those  village-builders 
were  acquainted  with  the  arts  of  architecture  which 
have  since  given  them  their  distinguishing  name;  in 
fact,  this  culture-god  was  none  other  than  the  genius 
who  introduced  the  knowledge  of  building  among  them. 
Some  traditions,  however,  make  him  the  ancestor  and 
even  the  creator  of  the  race ;  others  its  prophet,  leader, 
and  lawgiver."  Mr.  Bancroft  says,  on  the  same  subject : 
"  Under  restrictions,  we  may  fairly  regard  him  as  the 
Melchizedek,  the  Moses,  and  the  Messiah  of  these  Pueblo 
desert-wanderers  from  an  Egypt  that  history  is  ignorant 
of,  and  whose  name  even  tradition  whispers  not.  He 
taught  his  people  how  to  build  cities  with  tall  houses, 
to  construct  estufas,  or  semi-sacred  sweat-houses,  and  to 
kindle  and  guard  the  sacred  fire."  It  has  been  aptly 
remarked  by  Mr.  Tyler,  that  Montezuma  was  the  great 
"somebody"  of  the  tribe  to  whom  the  qualities  and 
achievements  of  every  other  were  attributed.  The 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  27 

legends  of  Montezuma  are  almost  innumerable,  and  as 
various  and  contradictory  as  could  v/ell  be  imagined. 
In  some  of  them  an  abrupt  connection  takes  place  be- 
tween Montezuma,  the  demi-god  of  the  golden  age,  and 
Montezuma  who  was  conquered  by  Cortez;  but  no  doubt 
the  latter  idea  was  engrafted  after  the  Spanish  occupa- 
tion. 

At  some  of  the  pueblos  are  old  documents  which  are 
apparently  legends  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  These 
are  held  in  great  veneration,  and  are  guarded  most  care- 
fully against  the  prying  eye  of  the  stranger.  Meline, 
in  his  u  Two  Thousand  Miles  on  Horseba-ck,"  quotes  one 
of  these  which  was  with  great  difficulty  obtained  for  a 
few  minutes  by  the  Indian  Agent,  Major  Greiner,  in 
1862,  at  the  San  Juan  Pueblo,  and  of  which  he  made  a 
hasty  copy.  The  following  are  a  few  passages  to  show 
the  style,  although  the  legend  is  probably  not  of  very 
ancient  origin,  and  seems  to  include  matter  suggested 
by  the  early  priests  in  order  to  lessen  the  opposition  to 
the  introduction  of  Christianity.  It  opens  with  Cortez 
as  speaker  :  "  They  will  respect  and  obey  me  in  what- 
ever I  will  command.  I  will  teach  them  the  law  of  Jesus 
Christ,  God  of  Heaven,  him  unto  whom  all  should  ren- 
der infinite  thanks  for  the  benefaction  about  to  be 
received  by  the  Children  of  the  Sun ;  that  they  should 
always  cheerfully  receive  the  waters  of  baptism." 
"  From  this  issued  much  pleasure  among  all  the  people, 
dances  taking  place  in  which  there  was  shown  no  ran- 
cor against  the  Children  of  the  Sun ;  and  seeing  this, 
the  King  Montezuma  said  to  the  great  Cortez  that  as 
his  children  had  so  much  joy  in  being  transferred  to 
the  control  of  Cortez,  he  charged  him  that  he  would 
treat  them  with  great  kindness."  "  Cortez  said  to  the 
King,  <I  wish  you  to  tell  me  concerning  how  many  prov- 
inces has  New  Mexico,  and  its  mines  of  gold  and  silver/ 
The  monarch  said,  *  I  will  respond  to  you  forever  as  you 
have  to  me.  I  command  this  province,  which  is  the 


28  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

first  of  New  Mexico,  the  Pueblo  of  Teguayo,  which  gov- 
erns 102  pueblos.  There  is  a  great  mine  near  by,  in 
which  they  cut  with  stone  hatchets  the  gold  of  my 
crown.  The  great  province  of  Zuni,  where  was  born 
the  great  Malinche.  This  pueblo  is  very  large,  full  of 
Indians  of  light  complexion  who  are  governed  well. 
In  this  province  is  a  silver  mine,  and  its  capital  con- 
trols eighteen  pueblos.  The  province  of  Moqui.  The 
province  of  the  Navajoes.  The  great  province  of  the 
Gran  Quivira,  that  governs  the  pueblos  of  the  Queres 
and  the  Taiios.  These  provinces  have  different  tongues, 
which  only  La  Malinche  understands.  The  province  of 
Acoma,  in  which  is  a  silver  mine  in  a  blackish  colored 
hill.'  Seeing  this,  the  great  monarch  sent  Malinche  to 
these  provinces  to  new  conquests." 

As  will  appear  further  on,  when  the  Europeans  first 
entered  the  country  the  natives  were  found  living  in 
well-built  cities  of  stone  and  adobe,  composed  of  houses 
from  three  to  five  stories  high,  usually  built  around  a 
plaza,  the  stories  decreasing  in  size  at  each  floor,  so  that 
the  whole  pueblo  was  of  a  terrace  shape.  Their  number 
was  then  very  large.  If  Espejo's  figures  are  correct, 
the  population  must  have  been  nearly  or  quite  300,000, 
as  he  counts  234,000  in  the  nine  provinces  of  which  he 
states  the  population ;  and  this  does  not  include  Zuni, 
nor  the  first  two  that  he  passed  through  on  the  river. 
Probably  this  is  considerably  exaggerated,  but  yet  no 
one  can  be  acquainted  with  the  vast  ruins  which  exist 
all  over  the  country  from  the  canons  of  the  Colorado, 
the  San  Juan,  the  Chelly,  and  the  Chaco,  at  Abiquiu^ 
Ojo  Caliente,  and  all  through  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  to  the  now  desert  country  of  the  south-east 
around  Gran  Quivira— without  -recognizing  that  a  nu- 
merous, intelligent,  and  industrious  people  lived  there 
before  the  Christians  ever  heard  of  the  Seven  Cities  of 
Cibola;  and  it  is  not  extravagant  to  put  the  population 
at  150,000  at  least. 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  29 

The  architecture  of  the  Pueblos  was  analogous  to 
that  of  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico;  and  indeed  as  nearly  sim- 
ilar as  the  varied  circumstances  relative  to  material  and 
the  requirements  for  defense  would  permit.  They  were 
constructed  of  adobe,  of  cobble-stones  and  adobe  mortar, 
of  hewn  stone  and  mortar,  or  of  matched  stone,  carefully 
put  together  without  mortar,  as  the  case  might  be.  At 
Quarra  the  walls  yet  standing  show  the  buildings  to 
have  been  of  red  sandstone,  the  pieces  used  being  not 
more  than  two  inches  thick,  the  walls  two  feet  wide, 
and  the  outer  face  dressed  off  to  a  plain  surface.  The 
walls  of  Abo,  according  to  Lieut.  Abert's  description, 
were  "  beautifully  finished,  so  that  no  architect  could 
improve  the  exact  smoothness  of  their  exterior  surface.'* 
The  ruins  west  of  the  Rio  Grande,  near  San  Yldefonso, 
are  of  buildings  made  of  blocks  of  lava  or  malpais, 
roughly  squared  and  put  together  with  adobe  mortar; 
the  blocks  are  comparatively  small.  Some  of  the  great 
pueblos  on  the  Chaco  (first  described  by  Lieut.  Simpson 
in  1849)  were  built  of  tabular  pieces  of  sandstone,  laid 
with  adobe  mortar;  the  stones  being  Irom  three  to  six 
inches  in  thickness,  and  from  six  to  eighteen  inches  in 
length.  The  Pueblo  Bonito  showed  great  beauty  and 
precision  in  its  masonry.  The  material  was  a  firm, 
hard,  gray  sandstone,  in  blocks  of  a  uniform  thickness 
of  three  inches,  and  laid  without  mortar ;  the  joints  are 
always  carefully  broken,  and  the  crevices  between  the 
ends  filled  with  thin  pieces  of  stone,  not  over  one-fourth 
of  an  inch  thick.  In  the  Pueblo  of  Penasco  Blanco  the 
manner  of  building  was  "a  regular  alternation  of  large 
and  small  stones,  the  effect  of  which  is  both  unique  and 
beautiful.  The  largest  stones,  which  are  about  one  foot 
in  length  and  one-half  foot  in  thickness,  form  but  a 
single  bed,  and  then  alternating  with  these,  are  three 
or  four  beds  of  very  small  stones,  each  about  an  inch  in 
thickness.'*  These  ruins  in  the  Canons  of  Chaco  and 
Chelly  are  of  special  interest  because  there  is  no  possi- 


30  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

bility  of  Spanish  influence  on  the  architecture,  as  there 
may  have  been  at  Quarra  and  Abo. 

The  general  design  of  all  the  great  pueblos  was  the 
same.  They  were  communal  ouildings,  or  as  some  late 
archaeologists  word  it,  "joint-tenement  houses."  They 
contained  from  50  to  500  apartments,  and  would  ac- 
commodate from  200  to  1,000  inhabitants.  A  whole 
town  was  contained  in  one  building;  or  rather,  perhaps, 
we  should  say,  all  the  houses  of  a  town  were  built  to- 
gether, forming  one  continu6us  structure.  In  this  they 
resembled  the  edifices  further  to  the  south.  "From 
Zufii  to  Cuzco,"  says  Mr.  L.  H  Morgan,  "at  the  time  of 
the  Spanish  conquest,  the  mode  of  domestic  life  in  all 
these  joint-tenant  houses  must  have  been  substantially 
the  same."  Speaking  of  the  Pueblo  of  Hungo  Pavie 
(which  Simpson's  Report  describes  as  300  feet  long, 
with  wings  each  144  feet  in  length,  three  stories  high, 
in  terrace  form,  and  built  of  stone,  the  first  story  con- 
taining seventy-two  apartments,  the  second  forty- 
eight,  and  the  third  twenty-four)  Mr.  Morgan  says : 
"  We  may  recognize  in  this  edifice  a  substantial  re- 
production of  the  miscalled  'palace7  of  Montezuma 
in  the  Pueblo  of  Mexico,  which,  like  this,  was  con- 
structed upon  the  three  sides  of  a  court,  in  the 
terraced  form,  and  two  stories  high.  In  the  light 
which  these  New  Mexican  houses  throw  upon  those  of 
the  Mexicans,  the  house  occupied  by  Montezuma  is  seen 
to  have  been  a  joint-tenement  house  of  the  American 
model.  It  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  call  any  of  these 
structures  palaces  in  order  to  account  for  their  size,  or 
to  assume  a  condition  of  society  in  which  the  palace  of 
the  ruler  was  built  by  the  forced  labor  of  his  subjects." 

Some  of  the  pueblo  edifices  were  of  great  size. 
Among  those  in  the  Chaco  Canon  that  of  Wege-gi 
was  700  feet  in  circumference,  and  contained  99 
rooms;  Chethro- Kettle,  1,300  feet,  and  124  rooms; 
Penasco  Blanco,  1,700  feet,  and  112  rooms  on  ground- 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  31 

floor ;  and  the  Pueblo  Bonito  was  544  feet  long,  314  in 
width,  and  contained  641  rooms.  The  ruined  Pueblo  of 
Chipillo,  west  of  San  Yldefonso,  measures  320  feet  by 
300,  surrounding  a  plaza  containing  two  estufas;  and 
the  Cuesta  Blanca  Pueblo,  not  far  distant,  is  450  feet  in 
length.  The  ruins  of  most  of  these  buildings,  and  not- 
ably those  in  the  Chaco  Canon  and  Canon  de  Chelly, 
agree  exactly  with  Castaiieda's  description  of  the  large 
pueblos  which  Coronado  visited  in  the  Rio  Grande  val- 
ley ;  as  they  were  built  around  courts,  with  a  high, 
straight  wall  on  the  outside,  without  openings  for  either 
doors  or  windows,  and  terraced  in  stories  on  the  inside 
like  an  amphitheatre.  All  were  furnished  with  estufas, 
some  as  large  as  sixty  feet  in  diameter,  and  frequently 
considerable  in  number.  Speaking  of  the  analogy  be- 
tween these  buildings  and  those  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  Mr.  Morgan  says:  "These  seem  to  have  been 
the  finest  structures  north  of  Yucatan,  and  the  largest 
ever  erected  by  the  Indians  of  North  America.  There 
is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the  Pueblo  of  Mexico 
contained  any  structures  superior  to  them  in  character." 
What  gives  special  interest  to  the  pueblo  dwellings 
of  New  Mexico  is  that  nowhere  else  on  the  continent 
are  buildings  still  inhabited  precisely  as  they  were 
when  Columbus  discovered  America.  In  several  in- 
stances, as  at  Taos  and  in  the  western  pueblos,  the 
people  are  now  living  in  identically  the  same  houses 
which  were  then  occupied.  "  These  pueblos,"  says  the 
author  last  above  quoted,  "  were  contemporary  with  the 
Pueblo  of  Mexico,  captured  by  Cortez  in  1520."  The 
buildings  at  Taos  are  about  250  feet  long,  130  feet  deep, 
and  five  stories  high.  While  they  are  irregular  in  form, 
and  rudely  built  in  comparison  with  some  of  those  de- 
scribed by  Castaneda  and  the  stone  structures  of  the 
Chaco,  yet  they  preserve  the  general  idea  and  the  an- 
cient manner  of  living  in  all  essential  respects.  An- 
other point  of  similarity  between  the  pueblos  of  New 


32  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

Mexico  and  those  situated  farther  south,  is  the  custom 
of  building  on  the  tops  of  hills,  or  mesas.  This  was  the 
usual  course  with  the  older  pueblos  in  New  Mexico,  the 
great  majority  of  the  ruined  villages  being  so  situated. 
Acoma  is  the  best  illustration  among  existing  pueblos; 
but  Zuni,  the  town  on  the  "  Moro,"  and  many  ruins  in 
the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  tributaries,  show 
how  usual  it  was  in  the  days  when  safety  had  to  be  con- 
sidered more  than  convenience  —  a  number  being  so 
situated  as  to  be  practicably  impregnable.  It  is  well 
known  that  similar  situations  were  selected  for  many 
Mexican  pueblos. 

When  the  Spaniards  first  settled  in  the  country,  the 
pueblos  were  divided  into  four  groups,  by  reason  mainly 
of  difference  of  language.  These  were  the  Piros,  Teguas, 
Queres,  and  Tanos.  Such  a  distinction  still  exists — 
five  entirely  distinct  languages  (not  dialects  of  one 
language)  being  in  use.  So  far  as  existing  pueblos  are 
concerned  this  division  is  as  follows  :• — 

1.  Santa  Ana,  San  Felipe,  Cochiti,  Santo  Domingo, 
Acoma,  Zia,  and  Laguna. 

2.  San   Juan,  Santa  Clara,  San  Yldefonso,  Nam.be 
Pojuaque,  and  Tesuque. 

3.  TaoSj  Picuris,  Sandia,  and  Isleta. 

4.  Jemez. 

5.  Zuni. 

The  first  represent  the  Queres  group,  the  second  the 
Teguas,  and  the  third  the  Piros.  In  the-  early  records 
the  Zunis  and  Moquis  are  counted  as  belonging  to  the 
Queres,  and  they  were  probably  originally  of  the  same 
stock. 

Several  curious  features  are  presented  by  this  subject, 
the  first  being  the  fact  itself  of  this  very  difference  in 
language  among  a  people  in  other  respects  almost 
entirely  identical,  possessing  the  same  appearance, 
customs,  mode  of  living,  manufactures  and  agriculture. 
The  language  of  the  Tegua  towns  is  almost  entirely 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  38 

monosyllabic;  the  words  in  the  Queres  group  are 
usually  of  two  syllables,  and  the  language  of  the  Piros 
rejoices  in  words  of  extraordinary  length,  as  does  also 
that  of  Zufii.  Take  as  an  example  the  word  "  earth," 
one  of  the  first  employed  in  any  language.  In  Queres 
it  is  hah-ats  ;  in  Tegua,  nah  ;  in  Piros,  pah-han-nah  ;  in 
Jemez,  dock-ah;  in  Zufii,  ou-lock-nan-nay.  What  is 
very  singular  is  that  the  distribution  of  these  languages 
is  not  geographical ;  that  the  groups  are  not  compact 
divisions,  but  lap  over  each  other  in  the  situation  of 
their  towns.  For  example,  at  Taos  in  the  north  and 
Isleta  in  the  south,  the  same  language  is  spoken ;  but 
between  them  are  all  the  Tegua  towns  and  many  of  the 
Queres,  covering  the  most  of  the  central  valley  of  the 
Rio  Grande.  Again,  the  language  spoken  at  Pecos  was 
identical  with  that  used  at  Jemez,  but  none  of  the  inter- 
vening pueblos  were  acquainted  with  it ;  so  that  when 
the  former  Pueblo  of  Pecos  was  abandoned  by  its  in- 
habitants, they  had  to  pass  by  the  Queres  pueblos  of 
Santo  Domingo,  Santa  Ana,  Zia,  etc.,  before  finding  a 
resting-place  where  their  speech  was  intelligible.  The 
languages  are  so  entirely  different  that  the  people  of 
different  pueblos,  not  of  the  same  nation,  usually  talk  to 
each  other  in  Spanish,  with  which  all  are  more  or  less 
acquainted. 

The  Tafios  pueblos  are  all  extinct,  not  one  remaining 
to  represent  this  once  powerful  nation.  These  were 
situated  along  the  Galisteo,  and  south  of  it,  including 
probably  Abo,  Quarra,  and  Gran  Quivira,  and  at  one 
time  were  numerous,  thickly  populated,  and  influential. 
Espejo  estimated  the  number  of  Tanos  Indians  at  40,000 ; 
though  this  was  probably  an  exaggeration.  Several 
of  these  pueblos  existed  during  the  earlier  Spanish 
occupation,  but  they  appear  to  have  been  destroyed  or 
abandoned  in  the  wars  between  the  Pueblos  that  w^ere 
so  fatal  to  the  native  races  and  towns  during  the  years 
of  the  Indian  supremacy,  from  1681  to  1693.  The  one 


34  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

whose  locality  is  best  known  to  modern  travellers  is  the 
Pueblo  of  San  Marcos,  though  San  Lazaro  and  San 
Cristobal  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  earlier 
histories. 

In  the  time  of  Coronado's  expedition,  there  were 
seventy  pueblos,  according  to  Castaneda's  list,  as  fol- 
lows :  Cibola,  7 ;  Tucaya,  7 ;  Acuco,  1 ;  Tiguex,  12 ; 
Tutahaco,  8  ;  Quivix,  7 ;  Snowy  Mountains,  7  ;  Xiinena 
3;  Cicuye,  1;  Jemez,  7;  Aguas  Calientes,  3 ;  Yuque- 
yunque,  6;  Braba,  1;  Chia,  1,  Forty  years  afterward, 
Espejo  described  the  provinces,  and  so  far  as  can  be  as- 
certained the  number  of  pueblos  had  slightly  increased. 
He  enumerated  them  as  follows :  On  the  Rio  Grande, 
near  Isleta,  10 ;  Teguas,  14 ;  province  on  the  west  ad- 
joining Cibola,  11;  Queres,  5;  Cunames  (Zia,  etc.),  5 ; 
Amies,  7  ;  Acoma,  1 — being  fifty-three  in  all ;  to  which 
are  to  be  added  those  of  the  provinces  that  he  describes, 
but  neglects  to  state  the  number  of  villages  in,  as  Cibola, 
or  Zuni,  which  we  can  call  seven,  Zaguate  and  the 
other  Moqui  towns,  which  were  five,  and  the  provinces 
of  the  Tubians  arid  the  Tanos,  whose  population  he 
placed  at  25,000  and  40,000,  respectively,  which,  at  the 
usual  ratio,  would  represent  twenty-five  or  thirty 
pueblos,  but  which  was  no  doubt  largely  exaggerated 
as  he  gave  the  figures  from  hearsay,  and  probably  did 
not  represent  more  than  fifteen.  Calling  the  number  in 
these  two  nations  fifteen  would  give  us  eighty  pueblos 
in  all,  existing  in  1582.  At  the  present  they  are  reduced 
in  numbers  to  twenty-five,  being  nineteen  in  the  valley 
of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  tributaries  ;  one  at  Zuni  and 
the  five  Moqui  towns  ;  which  latter  have  been  the  least 
disturbed  in  the  course  of  centuries.  How  or  when 
did  the  number  become  so  greatly  reduced  ?  Partly,  we 
believe,  by  the  consolidation  of  small  neighboring 
pueblos  into  one,  during  the  Spanish  occupation,  and 
more  largely  by  the  destruction  and  abandonment  of 
villages  in  the  wars  between  themselves,  which  occurred 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  35 

in  the  period  of  the  Pueblo  control,  from  1681  to  1696. 
The  decree  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  issued  from 
Cigales,  March  21,  1551,  specially  looking  to  the  concen- 
tration of  the  peaceful  native  population  into  a  moder- 
ate number  of  towns,  took  effect  of  course  in  New  Mexico, 
as  soon  as  it  was  under  Spanish  control.  The  object, 
which  was  spiritual  as  well  as  temporal,  is  set  forth  in 
the  decree  as  follows, — 

"  The*  effort  has  been  made  with  much  care,  and 
particular  attention,  to  make  use  of  such  means  as  are 
most  suitable  for  the  instruction  of  the  Indians  in  the 
Holy  Catholic  faith  and  spiritual  law,  to  the  end  that, 
forgetting  their  ancient  rites  and  ceremonies,  they  might 
live  in  fellowship  under  established  rule;  and  in  order 
that  this  object  might  be  obtained  with  the  greatest  cer- 
tainty, the  members  of  our  council  of  the  Indies,  and  other 
religious  persons,  on  different  occasions  met  together, 
and  in  the  year  1546,  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.,  of  glorious  memory,  there  convened  the  prelates  of 
New  Spain,  who,  desiring  to  render  service  to  God  and 
ourselves,  resolved  that  the  Indians  should  be  brought 
to  settle — reduced  to  pueblos — and  that  they  should  not 
live  divided  and  separated  by  mountains  and  hills, 
depriving  themselves  of  all  benefit,  spiritual  or  tem- 
poral, without,  aid  from  our  agents,  and  that  assistance 
which  human  wants  require  men  mutually  to  render 
one  another. 

"And  in  order  that  the  propriety  of  this  resolution 
might  be  recognized,  the  kings,  judges,  presidents,Aand 
governors  were  charged  and  commanded  by  different 
orders  of  the  kings,  our  predecessors,  that  with  much 
mildness  and  moderation  they  should  carry  into  effect 
the  reduction,  settlement,  and  instruction  of  the  In- 
dians, acting  with  so  much  justice  and  delicacy  that  with- 
out causing  any  difficulty  a  motive  •might  be  presented 
to  those  who  could  not  be  brought  to  settle,  in  the  hope 
that  as  soon  as  they  witnessed  the  good  treatment  and 


36  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

protection  of  such  as  had  been  reduced  to  pueblos,  they 
might  consent  to  offer  themselves  of  their  own  accord; 
and  whereas  the  above  was  executed  in  the  larger  part 
of  our  Indies,  therefore  we  ordain  and  command  that 
in  all  the  other  portions  care  be  taken  that  it  be  carried 
into  effect,  and  the  agents  should  urge  it  according  to, 
and  in  the  form  declared  by,  the  laws  of  this  title." 

This  decree  was  intended,  at  the  time,  for  the  prov- 
inces of  New  Spain,  to  the  south,  but  there  can  be  little 
doubt,  from  various  circumstances,  that  it  was  acted  on 
in  New  Mexico  during  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
resulted  in  the  consolidation  of  numbers  of  small,  ad- 
jacent pueblos,  bringing  the  people  to  the  central  village, 
in  which  was  the  church,  and  the  priest,  and  the  local 
civil  authority.  The  great  reduction  in  the  number  of 
the  native  villages  took  place,  however,  during  the  brief 
period  of  Pueblo  government,  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards  in  1681.  When  Vargas  made  the  reconquest, 
twelve  to  fifteen  years  later,  he  found  ruined  and  aban- 
doned pueblos  everywhere.  Mutual  jealousies,  and  the 
struggle  for  food  caused  by  the  successive  failures  of 
crops,  had  caused  almost  constant  wars,  in  which  villages 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  enemy,  or  abandoned  by  their 
inhabitants  in  advance  of  a  siege.  The  result  was,  that 
at  the  time  of  the  final  pacification  under  Spanish  au- 
thority, say  in  1696,  the  number  of  pueblos  differed  very 
little  from  that  existing  at  present.  The  official  list 
made  by  Governor  Mendoza  in  May,  1742,  is  as  follows 
(exclusive  of  the  Moquis), — 

"Taos,  Picuries,  San  Juan,  San  Ildefonso,  Santa 
Clara,  Pojuaque,  Nambe,  and  Tesuque,  north  of  Santa 
Fe";  Pecos  east,  and  Galisteo  south  of  Santa  Fe;  Cochiti, 
Santo  Domingo,  San  Felipe,  Santa  Ana,  Zia,  Jemez, 
Laguna,  Acoma,  Zufii,  and  Isleta  south  or  west  of 
Santa  Fe." 

In  1796,  and  again  in  1798,  tne  missionaries  in 
charge  made  reports  of  the  population  of  the  different 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  37 

pueblos,  in  which  the  lists  of  villages  only  differ  from 
the  above  in  the  dropping  of  Galisteo  and  the  addition 
of  Sandia  and  Abiquiu  Galisteo  had  been  abandoned 
in  the  interval  (the  remaining  inhabitants  having  re- 
moved to  Santo  Domingo>  with  whose  people  they  had 
extensively  intermarried),  and  Sandia  had  been  estab- 
lished under  peculiar  circumstances,  which  will  be  here- 
after referred  to.  At  Abiquiu  176  Indians  are  stated 
to  live,  but  whether  at  the  pueblo  on  the  hill  (now  de- 
serted and  in  ruins),  or  in  connection  with  the  Spanish 
town,  does  not  appear.  124  Indians  are  also  reported  at 
Belen.  The  total  Pueblo  population  at  the  time,  ac- 
cording to  these  statistics,  was  9,453  in  1796,  and  9,732 
in  1798.  In  1805  Governor  Alencaster  prepared  a  com- 
plete census  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico  (di- 
vided by  races),  according  to  which  the  Spanish  popu- 
lation was  26,805,  and  the  Pueblos  8,172.  The  list  of 
pueblos,  with  their  mission  names  and  population,  ap- 
pearing in  his  report,  is  as  follows  :— 

San  Geronimo  de  Taos 508 

San  Lorenzo  de  Picuries 250 

San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros 194 

Santo  Tomas  de  Abiq.uiu 134 

Santa  Clara , 186 

San  Ildefonso 175 

San  Francisco  de  Nambe.         143 

N.  S.  de  Guadalape  de  Pojuaque 100 

San  Diego  de  Tesuque 131 

N.  S.  de  los  Angeles  de  Pecos 104 

San  Buen a  Ventura  de  Cochiti „„    656 

Santo  Domkigo 333 

San  Felipe : 289 

N.  S.  de  los  Dolores  de  Sandia 314 

San  Diego  de  Jemez 264 

N.  S1.  de  la  Asumpcion  de  Zia 254 

Santa  Ana ... 450 

San  Agustin  del  Isleta 419 

N.  S.  de  Belen 107 

San  Estevan  de  Acoma 731 

San  Josef  de  La  Laguna 940 

N.  S.  de  Guadalupede  Zuni 1470 

Both  Albiquiu  and  Belen  are   reported  with  large 
Spanish  populations,  so  that  it  does  not  appear  whether 


38  THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES. 

the  Indians  were  in  separate  pueblos  there  or  not.  This 
list,  it  will  be  observed,  agrees  perfectly  with  that  of 
1796.  The  report  of  Lieut.  Whipple  (Pacific  R.  R.  Sur- 
veys, 35°  parallel)  contains  the  same  list,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  Cuyamangue  and  Chilili.  But  their  insertion 
was  a  mistake,  as  both  were  destroyed  in  the  Pueblo 
revolt  160  years  before.  An  old  deed  ii.  che  archives  at 
Santa  Fe  refers  to  "Cuyamangue,  a  pueblo  abandoned 
ancl  in  ruin,  since  the  insurrection  in  1696  by  the  native 
Tegua  Indians  of  said  pueblo."  Since  Gov.  Alencaster's 
census,  no  change  has  taken  place,  except  in  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  Pueblo  of  Pe.cos  by  the  removal  of  its  surviv- 
ing inhabitants  to  Jemez.  We  are,  therefore,  safe  in 
saying  that  the  Pueblo  towns  exist  to-day  as  they  did 
at  the  final  reconquest  in  1696,  with  the  exception  of 
abandonment  of  Galisteo  and  Pecos,  and  possibly  of  the 
pueblo  near  Albiquiu,  and  the  establishment  of  Sandia ; 
the  great  reduction  in  numbers  as  previously  stated, 
havingtaken  place  in  the  17th  century. 

The  circumstances  of  the  establishment  of  the  Pueblo 
of  Sandia,  which  is  the  only  modern  one,  were  as  follows : 
In  1748  Friar  Juan  Miguel  Meuchero,  Preacher  and 
Delegate,  Commissary  General,  made  a  petition  to  the 
Governor,  in  which  he  stated  that  for  six  years  he  had 
been  engaged  in  missionary  work  among  the  Indians, 
and  had  "  converted  and  gained  over  350  souls  from  here 
to  the  Puerco  River,  which  I  hare  brought  from  the 
Moqui  Pueblos ;  bringing  with  me  the  cacique  of  these 
Moqui  Pueblos  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  their 
pueblo  at  the  place  called  Sandia,"  and  thereupon  asked 
for  possession  of  the  land  at  that  point  "so  as  to  pre- 
vent any  converts  from  returning  to  apostasy."  There- 
upon the  Governor  made  the  desired  grant,  and  the  new 
pueblo  was  established  in  due  form  by  the  name  of 
"Our  Lady  of  Sorrows  and  Saint  Anthony  of  Sandia." 

From  the  beginning  the  Spanish  authorities  sought 
first  to  conciliate,  and  afterwards  to  protect  the  pueblos 


THE  PUEBLO  ABORIGINES.  39 

by  confirming  to  them  considerable  tracts  of  land 
around  each  village.  The  decree  of  Philip  II.,  in  June, 
1587,  had  special  reference  to  this  subject,  and  the 
limits  were  afterwards  extended  until  in  most  cases  the 
pueblo  land  constituted  a  square — measured  one  league 
in  each  direction  from  the  parish  church. 

In  local  government  the  pueblos  have  always  been 
practically  independent ;  each  one  elects  annually  a 
governor,  a  war  captain,  and  a  fiscal,  and  in  each  is  a 
cacique,  usually  an  aged  man,  who  holds  his  position  for 
life,  and  is  consulted  on  all  matters  of  special  importance. 
These  officials  govern  the  community  according  to  their 
own  rules  of  justice,  and  to  this  time  no  criminal  com- 
plaint has  ever  been  made  by  one  Pueblo  Indian  against 
another  in  any  Territorial  court.  Industrious,  frugal, 
honest,  and  hospitable,  they  still  retain  the  character- 
istics which  were  noticeable  in  the  days  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  and  Coronado,  and  remain  in  the  midst  of  surround- 
ing changes  the  most  interesting  existing  illustration 
of  the  higher  aboriginal  life  of  the  native  American 
people. 


CHAPTER    III. 


CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

THE  first  European  to  set  foot  on  New  Mexican  soil, 
to  meet  with  any  of  its  original  inhabitants,  and 
see  the  "  fixed  habitations  "  in  which  they  dwelt,  ^vas 
Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  came  not  as  a  con- 
queror, a  missionary,  or  even  an  explorer,  but  by  an  ac- 
cident, which  led  him  through  this  portion  of  the  con- 
tinent while  endeavoring  to  reach  some  European  settle- 
ment, after  long  years  of  wanderings,  sufferings,  and 
virtual  imprisonment.  He  came  of  noble  lineage,  and 
held  many  high  positions,  but  that  which  carries  his 
name  down  on  the  page  of  history  most  securely  is  his 
brief  connection  with  New  Mexico.  Here  his  name 
stands  at  the  head  of  the  roll,  his  narration  is  the  first 
written  word  descriptive  of  the  country  and  its  people ; 
he  can  claim  to  be  its  discoverer,  and  the  father  of  all 
Europeans  who  came  after.  Among  the  people  of  New 
Mexico  his  name  will  always  be  held  in  veneration,  and 
every  circumstance  connected  with  his  famous  journey 
be  considered  of  interest.  On  this  account,  and  because 
it  so  thoroughly  illustrates  the  methods  of  the  early 
Spanish  expeditions  and  conquests,  and  the  condition 
of  the  natives  in  various  sections  surrounding  New 
Mexico,  as  well  as  within  its  borders,  we  give  it  an  ex- 
tended space. 

The  expedition  of  Panphilo  de  Narvaez  set  sail  from 
San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1527  ;  its 
object  being  the  conquest  and  colonization  of  the  main- 
land of  Florida,  Narvaez  having  been  empowered  by  thq 
Emperor  Charles  V.  to  take  possession  of  all  the  coun- 
try from  the  Rio  de  la  Palsmas  to  the  southerly  ex- 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  41 

tremity  of  Florida,  and  to  assume  the  government 
thereof.  This  Rio  de  las  Palmas  was  on  the  east  coast 
of  Mexico,  100  leagues  north  of  Vera  Cruz,  so  that  the 
country  which  was  to  be  occupied  and  governed  em- 
braced all  of  the  present  States  of  the  Union  bordering 
on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  besides  a  part  of  north-eastern 
Mexico  itself;  in  which  was  included  New  Mexico. 
The  principal  officers  of  the  fleet,  under  the  Governor, 
were  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  was  Treasurer  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  had  the  title  of  High  Sheriff;  Alonzo  Enri- 
quez,  Comptroller  ;  Alonzo  de  Solis,  Royal  Distributor 
and  Assessor ;  and  for  spiritual  duties,  five  Franciscan 
Friars,  headed  by  Juan  Xuarez,  who  was  also  Com- 
missary. 

The  manner  in  which  the  expedition  was  .under- 
taken appears  from  the  petition  of  Narvaez  to  the 
king  of  Spain,  and  the  order  made  thereupon;  all 
of  which  are  still  in  the  "Archive  de  Indias"  at 
Seville.  The  following  extracts  from  the  petition 
quaintly  show  the  objects  and  ambition  of  the  leader: 

"SACRED  C^ESAREAN  CATHOLIC  MAJESTY:  In-as-much 
as  I,  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  have  ever  had  and  still  have  the 
intention  of  serving  God  and  Your  Majesty,  I  desire  to 
go  in  person  with  my  means  to  a  certain  country  on 
the  main  of  the  Ocean  Sea.  I  propose  chiefly  to  traffic 
with  the  natives  of  the  coast,  and  to  take  thither  re- 
ligious men  and  ecclesiastics,  approved  of  your  Royal 
Council  of  the  Indies,  that  they  may  make  known  and 
plant  the  Christian  Faith.  I  shall  observe  fully  what 
your  Council  require  and  ordain  to  the  ends  of  serving 
God  and  Your  Highness,  and  for  the  good  of  your  sub- 
jects. I  propose  to  undertake  this  in  person,  with  my 
experience  in  those  countries,  and  when  the  occasion 
shall  present  itself,  to  the  extent  of  my  property,  which, 
to  God  be  the  praise,  I  have  to  employ  in  that  enter- 
prise, and  am  ready  to  make  manifest  when  that  shall 
become  necessary.  I  ask  that  the  subjugation  of  the 


42  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

countries  from  the  Rio  de  Palmas  to  Florida  might  be 
given  me,  where  I  would  explore,  conquer,  populate, 
and  discover  all  there  is  to  be  found  of  Florida  in  those 
parts,  at  my  cost;  and  to  that  end  I  beg  Your  High- 
ness to  bestow  on  me  as  follows:  Your  Majesty  be 
pleased  to  make  me  Governor  and  Chief  Justice  for  my 
term  of  life,  and  Captain  General,  with  adequate  salary 
for  each.  I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  confer  on  me  the 
High  Constabulary  of  said  lands  I  shall  people  in  your 
Royal  name,  for  me,  my  heirs,  and  successors.  I  entreat 
Your  Majesty  to  grant  me  the  tenth  of  all  that  you  may 
have  of  royal  rents  forever.  I  ask  that  Your  Majesty 
will  make  me  Adelantado  of  those  territories,  for  me,  my 
heirs,  and  successors,  That  Indians  who  shall  be 
rebellious  after  being  well  admonished  and  comprehend- 
ing, may  be  made  slaves,  etc." 

The  order  made  by  the  Council  was  that  the  king 
concedes  the  conquest  requested  to  Narvaez  on  condition 
that  he  take  no  less  than  200  colonists  from  Spain, 
founding  at  least  two  towns;  and  he  was  made  Governor 
with  a  salary  of  100,000  maravedis,  and  Captain  Gen- 
eral, with  a  salary  of  50jOOO,  besides  being  Adelantado. 
He  was  furnished  with  a  proclamation  to  be  made  "to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  countries  and  provinces  that 
there  are  from  Rio  de  Palmas  to  the  Cape  of  Florida," 
which  is  interesting  as  showing  the  grounds  to  the 
Spanish  claim  of  sovereignty  over  America.  It  reads  in 
part  as  follows :  "  In  behalf  of  the  Catholic  Caesarean 
Majesty  of  Don  Carlos,  King  of  the  Romans  and  Em- 
peror ever  Augustus,  and  Dona  Juana,  his  mother, 
Sovereigns  of  Leon  andCastilla,  Defenders  of  the  Church, 
ever  victors,  never  vanquished,  and  rulers  of  barbarous 
nations,  I,  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  his  servant,  messenger, 
and  captain,  notify  and  cause  you  to  know  in  the  best 
manner  I  can,  that  God  our  Lord,  one  and  eternal, 
created  the  heaven  and  the  earth.  All  these  nations 
God  our  Lord  gave  in  charge  to  one  person  called  Saint 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  43 

Peter,  that  he  might  be  master  and  superior  over  man- 
kind, to  be  obeyed  and  be  heard  of  all  the  human  race 
where-so-ever  they  might  live  and  be,  of  whatever  law, 
sect,  or  belief,  giving  him  the  whole  world  for  his  king- 
dom, lordship,  and  jurisdiction.  This  Saint  Peter  was 
obeyed  and  taken  for  King,  Lord,  and  Superior  of  the 
Universe  by  those  who  lived  at  that  time,  and  so  like- 
wise have  all  the  rest  been  held,  who  to  the  Pontificate 
were  afterward  elected,  and  thus  has  it  continued  until 
now,  and  will  continue  to  the  end  of  things.  One  of 
the  Popes  who  succeeded  him  to  that  seat  and  dignity, 
of  which  I  spake  as  Lord  of  the  world,  made  a  gift  of 
these  islands  and  main  of  the  Ocean  Sea  to  the  said 
Emperor  and  Queen,  and  their  successors,  our  Lords  in 
these  Kingdoms,  with  all  that  is  in  them,  as  is  contained 
in  certain  writings  that  thereupon  took  place,  which 
may  be  seen  if  you  desire." 

Having  thus  demonstrated  the  rightful  power  of  the 
sovereign,  the  proclamation  calls  on  them  "  to  recognize 
the  Church  as  Mistress  and  Superior  of  the  Universe, 
and  the  High  Pontiff,  called  Papa,  in  its  name ;  the 
Queen  and  King  our  masters,  in  their  place  as  Lords 
Superiors,  and  Sovereigns  of  these  Islands  and  the  main, 
by  virtue  of  said  gift.  If  you  shall  do  so,  you  will  do 
well  in  what  you  are  held  and  obliged ;  and  their 
Majesties,  and  I,  in  their  Royal  name,  will  receive  you 
with  love  and  charity.  If  you  do  not  this,  and  of  malice 
you  be  dilatory,  I  protest  to  you  that  with  the  help  of 
Our  Lord  I  will  enter  with  force,  making  war  upon  you 
from  all  directions  and  in  every  manner  that  I  may  be 
able,  when  I  will  subject  you  to  obedience  to  the  Church 
and  the  yoke  of  their  Majesties;  and  I  will  take  the 
persons  of  yourselves,  your  wives,  and  your  children,  to 
make  slaves,  sell  and  dispose  of  you  as  their  Majesties 
shall  think  fit;  and  I  will  take  your  goods,  doing  you 
all  the  injury  that  I  may  be  able." 

As  the  peculiar  interest  which  the  student  of  New 


44  CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

Mexican  history  feels  in  this  expedition  arises  from  the 
narrative  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  of  the  long  journey  of  him- 
self and  the  other  three  survivors  of  the  party  across  the 
continent,  in  the  course  of  which  they  traversed  New 
Mexico,  and  were  thus  the  first  Europeans  who  ever 
visited  our  territory,  we  give  some  particulars  of  his 
personal  history,  before  proceeding  with  the  account  of 
the  expedition  itself.  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
came  from  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  renowned  of 
Spanish  families,  whose  lineage  a  chronological  history 
traces  back  to  the  12th  century.  His  grandfather  was 
the  Conqueror  of  the  Canary  Islands,  and  from  him  came 
his  proper  patronymic  of  Vera;  but  for  reasons  unknown 
he  preferred  the  name  of  his  mother's  house,  "  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,"  or  "  Cow's  Head."  Various  accounts  are  given 
of  the  origin  of  this  rather  undignified  appellation,  of 
which  we  reproduce  the  one  narrated  by  M.  Ternaux, 
in  the  preface  to  his  French  translation  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca's  Commentaries  :  "  In  the  month  of  July,  1212, 
the  Christian  army,  commanded  by  the  kings  of  Castile, 
Aragon,  and  Navarre,  advanced  against  the  Moors  ;  and 
arriving  at  Castro-Ferrel,  found  all  the  passes  occupied 
by  the  enemy.  The  Christians  were  about  to  return  on 
their  steps,  when  a  burger  named  Martin  Alhaja  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  offered  to 
indicate  a  route  by  which  the  army  could  pass  without 
obstacles.  The  king  sent  him  with  Don  Diego  Lopez  de 
Naro  and  Don  Garcia  Romen;  in  order  that  they  might 
recognize  the  pass,  Alhajo  placed  at  the  entrance  the 
skeleton  of  the  head  of  a  cow  (Cabeza  de  Vaca.)  The 
twelfth  of  the  same  month  the  Christians  gained  the 
battle  of  Navas  de  Tolosa,  which  assured  forever  their 
supremacy  over  the  Moors.  The  king  recompensed 
Alhaja  by  ennobling  him  and  his  descendants,  and  to 
commemorate  the  event  by  which  he  had  merited  the 
honor,  changed  his  name  to  Cabeza  de  Vaca." 

Our  cavalier,  having    been    appointed     Treasurer  of 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  45 

the  new  colony  to  be  established,  received  a  lengthy 
document  of  instruction,  signed  by  the  king  and  dated 
at  Valladolid,  February  15,  1527,  which  commences, 
"  What  you,  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  will  perform 
in  the  office  you  fill  as  our  Treasurer  of  Rio  de  las 
Palmas  and  the  lands  which  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  goes  to 
people,  on  whom  we  have  conferred  the  government 
thereof,  is  as  follows" —  and  proceeds  with  great  par- 
ticularity to  charge  him  with  the  collection  of  the 
various  percentages,  rents,  duties,  and  fines  belonging  to 
the  royal  treasury,  and  as  to  the  manner  of  safely 
transmitting  the  "  gold,  guanines  (impure  gold  valued 
by  the  nations  of  the  Antillas  partly  for  its  odor),  pearls, 
and  other  things,"  to  the  officials  at  Seville. 

Thus  furnished  with  documents  sufficient  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  an  Empire,  Narvaez  and  his  companions 
started  with  five  vessels  and  about  six  hundred  men,  and 
sailed  first  to  Santo  Domingo  for  the  purpose  of  laying 
in  stores  and  procuring  horses,  but  their  forty-five  days 
stay  at  that  island  produced  rather  more  loss  than  gain, 
as  no  less  thaiil40  men  deserted  the  expedition  to  try  their 
fortunes  on  the  luxuriant  shores.  Here  also  an  addi- 
tional ship  was  purchased  and  added  to  the  fleet.  They 
proceeded  thence  to  Cuba,  where  a  tremendous  hurricane 
destroyed  two  of  the  vessels,  with  all  the  men  and 
material  on  board.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  command  of  one 
of  them,  and  only  escaped  through  his  good  fortune  in 
being  on  shore  at  the  time.  He  tells  us  that  "  nothing 
so  terrible  as  this  storm  had  ever  been  seen  in  these 
parts  before;"  and  it  must  have  been  of  tremendous  force,' 
as  the  only  small  boat  that  was  ever  found  belonging  to 
the  lost  vessels,  was  discovered  in  the  branches  of  a  tree 
at  quite  a  distance  from  the  shore.  So  tempestuous  was 
the  season  that  Narvaez  determined  to  proceed  no  fur- 
ther until  spring,  and  so  the  four  remaining  vessels 
wintered  at  Xagua,  under  the  charge  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 
On  the  22d  of  February,  1528,  the  fleet  again  set  sail, 


46  CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

having  been  augmented  by  the  addition  of  a  brigantine 
from  Trinidad ;  but  again  misfortune  followed  it,  as  the 
vessels  became  grounded  on  the  shoals  called  Canarreo 
and  were  detained  there  fifteen  days ;  and  were  overtaken 
by  a  great  and  dangerous  storm  at  Guaniguanico,  and 
another  at  Cape  Corrientes.  They  then  attempted  to 
reach  Havana,  but  violent  winds  drove  them  northerly, 
and  on  Tuesday,  April  12,  they  came  in  sight  of  land 
on  the  west  coast  of  Florida;  and  the  next  day,  which 
was  Holy  Thursday,  they  anchored  near  the  shore  in  a 
bay,  at  the  head  of  which  they  saw  some  Indian  habita- 
tions. 

On  Good  Friday  the  Governor  landed  with  a  number 
of  men,  but  found  the  houses  all  deserted,  the  inhabit- 
ants having  fled  in  their  canoes  at  night.  Their  houses 
were  called  "buhios,"  and  had  double-shedded  roofs, 
which  were  their  distinguishing  feature  among  Indian 
dwellings.  One  of  these  buildings,  probably  used  for  tri- 
bal purposes,  was  so  large  as  to  accommodate  300  persons. 
On  Saturday  the  Governor  raised  the  Spanfsh  ensign 
and  formally  took  possession  of  the  country  for  his  im- 
perial master.  He  proclaimed  his  authority  to  act  as 
Governor,  and  was  acknowledged  as  such ;  and  then  the 
other  officers  presented  their  commissions  for  his  in- 
spection. These  formalities  being  concluded,  the  whole 
force  was  disembarked,  as  well  as  their  horses ;  but  the 
latter  had  been  reduced  to  forty-two  in  number  during 
the  passage,  and  were  in  wretched  condition. 

On  Easter  day  some  of  the  natives  appeared,  and 
made  signs  for  the  Spaniards  to  leave  the  country ;  but 
there  being  no  interpreter  present,  they  could  only  be 
imperfectly  understood.  The  next  day  a  party  of  forty 
men,  under  the  Governor,  Enriquez,  Solis,  and  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,  commenced  to  explore  the  main-land  toward 
the  north,  where  they  found  a  large  bay  stretching  far 
inland,  and  soon  afterward  captured  four  Indians.  (This 
bay  was  undoubtedly  the  Tampa  Bay  of  our  geographies.) 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  47 

As  the  language  was  wholly  unintelligible,  recourse  was 
had  to  signs;  and  various  things  were  shown  to  the  na- 
tives, to  see  if  they  were  acquainted  with  them  before. 
Led  by  these  Indians,  the  Spaniards  went  to  their  town 
at  the  head  of  the  bay,  where  they  found  corn,  linen 
and  woolen  cloth,  and  bunches  of  feathers,  and  what 
was  the  special  object  of  all  their  expeditions — gold. 
On  being  asked  whence  these  things  came,  the  Indians 
pointed  to  the  north,  where  they  said  was  a  great 
country  called  Apalache,  which  abounded  not  only  in 
gold  but  in  the  other  articles  which  the  Spaniards  de- 
sired. Ten  or  twelve  leagues  further  on,  the  expedi- 
tion found  another  town^  where  a  large  amount  of  corn 
was  cultivated;  and  soon  after  returned  to  the  place 
where  their  ships  and  comrades  were,  and  communi- 
cated the  results  of  the  trip. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  held  a  consultation  with 
the  principal  officers,  and  some  others  in  whom  he  had 
confidence,  as  to  the  best  course  to  be  pursued.  He  de- 
sired to  march  into  the  interior  in  order  to  explore  the 
country,  and  have  the  ships  sail  along  the  coast  until 
they  found  a  harbor,  which  the  pilot  insisted  existed 
not  very  far  to'the  north-west;  but  he  wanted  to  hear 
the  opinion  of  the  others.  Cabeza  do  Vaca  strenuously 
opposed  any  separation  from  the  vessels  until  the  latter 
should  be  safely  moored  in  a  secure  harbor,  and  he  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  pilots  were  far  from  agree- 
ing as  to  the  situation  of  the  wished-for  haven.  He 
showed  the  danger  of  starting  off  to  explore  a  country 
of  which  they  had  no  knowledge  or  information,  and 
where  they  could  not  communicate  at  all  with  the 
natives  for  want  of  an  interpreter ;  especially  in  their 
present  condition  of  scarcity  of  food.  In  short,  he 
opposed  the  plan  with  many  arguments,  and  recom- 
mended that  they  should  re-embark  in  the  vessels  and 
explore  the  coast  until  they  found  some  satisfactory 
locality,  especially  as  the  country  where  they  now  were 


48  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

was  the  poorest  and  least  valuable  of  any  that  had  been 
found  in  the  new  world.  The  Commissioner,  Xuarez, 
gave  exactly  contrary  advice.  He  favored  following 
along  the  line  of  the  coast  by  an  expedition  on  land, 
while  the  ships  kept  within  easy  distance  by  sailing 
along  that  Fame  shore.  He  based  his  argument  on  two 
principal  grounds  :  Firstly,  that  the  looked-for  bay 
could  more  easily  be  found  from  the  land  than  from  the 
sea,  as  it  was  represented  to  extend  a  considerable  dis- 
tance back  into  the  country ;  and  secondly,  that  it  would 
be  tempting  Providence  again  to  take  to  the  water  after 
the  many  misfprtunes  which  had  befallen  the  fleet  ever 
since  it  first  left  Spain.  The  feeling  with  regard  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued  evidently  ran  high,  for  when  the 
Governor  concluded  to  continue  the  expedition  by  land, 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  made  a  formal  demand  that  the  ships 
should  not  be  left  until  they  were  in  a  safe  harbor,  and 
asked  a  certificate  from  the  notary  that  he  made  such  a 
demand  ;  and  the  Governor,  on  his  part,  asked  of  the 
notary  a  certificate  that  he  moved  on  with  his  colony  in 
quest  of  a  better  country  and  port,  for  the  reason  that 
the  place  in  which  they  were  would  neither  support  a 
population  nor  afford  a  haven  for  their  ships.  What  the 
notarial  official  did  in  this  dilemma  does  not  apppear  from 
the  chronicle,  but  the  Governor  went  on  with  his  prep- 
arations for  advancing,  and  then,  in  presence  of  the 
officers,  offered  Cabeza  de  Vaca — as  he  was  opposed  to  the 
land  expedition — to  give  him  the  command  of  the  fleet. 
This  Vaca  refused ;  and  when  repeatedly  urged  by  the 
Governor  to  accept  the  position,  and  finally  asked  why 
he  so  persistently  declined,  he  answered,  as  he  himself 
relates,  that  "I  rejected  the  responsibility,  as  I  felt  cer- 
tain that  he  would  never  more  find  the  ships,  nor  the 
ships  him  ;  and  I  preferred  to  subject  myself  to  the 
danger  which  he  and  the  others  were  exposed  to,  and  to 
undergo  what  they  might  suffer,  rather  than  take  charge 
of  the  ships  and  give  occasion  for  any  to  say  that  I  re- 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  49 

mained  behind  from  timidity,  and  so  my  courage  be 
called  in  question.  I  chose  rather  to  risk  my  life  than 
to  endanger  my  reputation." 

The  Governer  thereupon  appointed  a  Spanish  Al- 
calde, named  Caravallo,  as  Captain  of  the  fleet,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  arrange  for  the  march.  Provisions  were 
already  scanty ;  on  the  day  of  starting  the  men  were 
given  a  ration  of  two  pounds  of  biscuit  and  one-half 
pound  bacon,  but  thereafter  the  bread  was  reduced  to 
one  pound.  The  whole  land  expedition  consisted  of  300 
men,  of  whom  the  officers,  etc.,  who  were  mounted,  were 
forty.  On  Sunday,  the  1st  of  May,  they  took  up  their 
inarch  and  proceeded  northerly  for  fifteen  days,  without 
seeing  any  kind  of  habitation  or  a  single  Indian. 
During  this  time  they  found  nothing  eatable  to  add  to 
their  scanty  store,  except  the  palmetto  or  fan  palm, 
which  abounded  'and  from  which  they  ate  the  heart. 
At  the  end  o£  the  fifteen  days  they  came  to  a  river  so 
wide  that  it  was  passed  with  much  difficulty — rafts 
having  to  be  made  for  those  inexperienced  in  swimming, 
and  the  crossing  occupying  an  entire  day.  (This 
undoubtedly  is  the  river  now  called  Withlacoochee.) 

On  the  north  side  of  this  river  the  expedition  for 
the  first  time  encountered  a  considerable  number  of 
natives.  They  were  about  200  in  all,  and  the  Governor 
attempted  to  open  communication  by  signs,  but  the 
Indians  made  such  insulting  gestures  that  the  Spaniards 
could  not  bear  it ;  and  so,  rushing  forward,  they  captured* 
several,  and  compelled  them  to  show  them  where  their 
village  was.  This  was  found  about  half  a  league  away  • 
and  more  important  to  the  invaders  than  the  poor 
Indian  cabins,  were  large  fields  of  corn,  just  ready  to  be 
gathered.  "  We  gave  infinite  thanks  to  our  Lord  for 
having  succored  us  in  this  great  extremity,"  piously 
exclaimed  the  chronicler,  "  for  we  were  yet  young  in 
trials,  and  besides  the  weariness  in  which  we  came,  we 
were  exhausted  from  hunger." 


50  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

Here  the  army  rested  for  three  days,  when  the  chief 
officers  all  besought  Narvaez  to  send  to  search  for  the 
sea,  so  as  if  possible  to  find  the  safe  harbor  of  which  the 
Indians  spoke.  He  gave  them  no  satisfaction  at  the 
time,  but  afterwards  authorized  Cabeza  de  Vaca  to  take 
forty  men  and  make  the  exploration.  So  he  set  out  on 
foot  on  May  18th ;  but  the  result  of  the  search  was,  that  if 
a  harbor  was  to  be  found  at  all,  it  was  by  following  the 
river  down  on  its  south  side  and  not  on  the  north  ;  so 
the  Treasurer  returned,  and  Captain  Valenzuela  was 
sent  on  a  second  expedition  ;  but  this  only  discovered 
that  the  bay  was  too  shallow  for  vessels  of  any  size, 
although  a  number  of  canoes  carrying  Indians  wearing 
plumes  was  seen  passing  across  its  waters. 

Abandoning,  therefore,  the  hope  of  finding  a  suit- 
able place  for  a  permanent  port  in  that  vicinity,  the 
expedition  recommenced  its  march  toward  the  land  of 
Apalache,  of  the  riches  of  which  they  heard  so  much ; 
having  now  for  guides  the  Indians  they  had  captured. 
For  almost  a  month  they  travelled  without  meeting  any 
natives,  when  on  June  17th,  just  before  they  reached 
the  banks  of  a  very  wide  and  rapid  river  (which  is  easily 
distinguishable  as  the  Suwanee  of  modern  times),  they 
were  approached  by  a  chief,  covered  with  a  painted  deer 
skin,  and  carried  in  the  arms  of  another  Indian  Many 
of  his  people  attended  him,  and  in  advance  were  musi- 
cians playing  on  flutes  of  reed.  This  appears  to  have 
been  the  method  in  which  they  showed  hospitality  and 
good  will ;  as  eleven  years  later,  when  De  Soto  arrived 
at  the  same  place,  he  was  met  by  Indians  "  playing  upon 
flutes,  a  sign  among  them  to  others  that  they  come  in 
peace."  A  conference  by  signs  ensued,  the  Spaniards 
endeavoring  to  convey  the  idea  that  they  were  going  on 
to  Apalache;  and  understanding  in  reply  that  the  chief 
was  an  enemy  to  the  Apalachians,  and  would  accompany 
and  assist  the  expedition.  Presents  were  then  ex- 
changed, the  chief  giving  the  Governor  the  deer-skin 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  51 

which  he  wore ;  and  the  next  day  the  army  attempted 
the  difficult  passage  of  the  river.  A  boat  was  con- 
structed, and  on  this  all  were  finally  taken  across  safely, 
except  one  horseman,  Juan  Velasquez,  who  was  too  im- 
patient to  wait  for  his  turn,  and  plunging  into  the  river, 
was  carried  away  by  the  swift  current.  His  horse,  found 
drowned  on  the  bank  below,  furnished  the  first  fresh 
meat  that  the  soldiers  had  enjoyed  for  many  days.  The 
next  day  the  expedition  reached  the  town  of  the  chief, 
whose  name  is  given  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as  Dulchan- 
chellin,  but  by  other  writers  as  Uzachil,  Osachile,  Ochile, 
etc.,  (all  evidently  mispronunciations  of  the  same  name), 
.and  received  some  corn  as  a  present. 

But  now,  for  some  reason,  the  demeanor  of  the  In- 
dians changed.  Heretofore  they  had  been  hospitable, 
and  helpful;  indeed,  without  their  assistance  the  army 
could  not  have  crossed  the  Suwanee;  but  now  they 
assumed  a  hostile  attitude.  Some  slight  conflicts  ensued, 
in  which  three  or  four  natives  were  captured;  and  then 
Narvaez  proceeded  on  his  march,  on  June  20th,  the  latest 
captives  being  now  his  guides.  The  country  now 
traversed  was  covered  with  dense  forests  of  enormous 
trees,  of  which  so  many  had  fallen  to  the  ground  that 
travelling  was  very  difficult  and  slow.  After  six  days  of 
toilsome  march  their  eyes  were  at  length  gladdened  by 
the  sight  of  the  city  which  was  the  goal  of  their  hopes. 
"  We  gave  many  thanks  to  God,"  says  the  Treasurer, 
•"  at  seeing  ourselves  so  near,  having  confidence  in  what 
we  had  heard  of  the  land,  and  believing  that  here  was 
the  end  of  our  great  hardships;  and  having  come  to  the 
wished-for  place,  where  we  had  been  told  was  much  food 
and  gold,  we  felt  that  we  had  already  recovered  in  part 
from  our  suffering  and  fatigue." 

After  viewing  the  town  from  a  distance,  the  Gov- 
ernor directed  Cabeza  de  Vaca  to  take  nine  horsemen 
and  fifty  foot  soldiers  and  enter  the  place.  This  was 
done  without  difficulty,  as  all  the  men  were  absent  from 


52  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

their  homes  and  only  women  and  children  remained ; 
but  shortly  afterwards  the  men  returned,  and  seeing  the 
strangers  in  possession,  commenced  discharging  arrows  at 
them.  This,  however,  did  no  damage  beyond  killing  the 
horse  of  the  Assessor,  and  the  Indians  then  took  to  flight. 
The  Spaniards  then  proceeded  to  explore  the  town,  but 
were  entirely  disappointed  both  as  to  its  size  and  riches. 
Instead  of  a  large  city,  they  found  a  village  of  forty 
small,  low  houses,  scattered  in  sheltered  places,  and 
built  of  thatch.  No  gold  was  to  be  found,  or  anything 
of  value,  except  corn  and  deer-skins.  The  whole  coun- 
try was  level  and  sandy,  but  pines,  cedars,  oaks,  liquid 
amber,  and  palmettos  abounded.  In  openings  in  the 
country  around  were  patches  of  corn,  but  the  whole  pre- 
sented a  scene  of  barrenness  and  poverty  far  different 
from  what  the  adventurers  had  hoped.  Within  a  short 
time  the  Indians  who  had  fled  returned  in  peace,  asking- 
for  their  wives  and  children,  who  were  restored  to  them; 
but  for  some  reason  Narvaez  detained  one  chief,  which 
produced  much  excitement  and  brought  on  hostilities 
anew,  which  were  kept  up  as  long  as  the  Spaniards 
remained  in  the  town,  which  was  twenty-five  days. 
During  this  time  they  endeavored  by  explorations  and 
inquiries  to  ascertain  regarding  the  surrounding  country 
and  any  cities  of  wealth  that  it  might  contain ;  but  their 
expeditions  showed  them  simply  a  sparsely  populated 
plain,  and  the  answer  to  all  inquiries  was,  that  no  other 
town  was  as  large  or  as  good  as  their  own,  except  one 
called  Aute,  near  the  sea,  and  distant  nine  days'  journey. 
Finding  nothing  worth  conquering  where  they  were, 
the  Spaniards  determined  to  march  to  this  city,  not  only 
because  it  was  the  most  important  that  they  could  hear 
of,  but  also  because  it  would  bring  them  again  near  to 
their  ships.  So  they  set  out  on  the  20th  of  July,  but 
were  greatly  annoyed  in  their  march  by  the  Indians, 
who  assailed  them  with  arrows  from  behind  trees  and 
fallen  timber,  and  from  the  shallow  lakes,  in  which  they 


CABEZA  DE  VACA.  53 

stood  nearly  covered  by  the  water.  These  Indians  appear 
to  have  been  powerful  and  expert  archers,  for  they 
wounded  many  of  the  men  and  horses,  and  drove  their 
arrows  with  almost  incredible  force  into  the  bodies  of 
great  oaks  and  elms,  Their  bows  are  described  as  being 
as  thick  as  a  man's  arm,  of  eleven  or  twelve  palms  in 
length,  and  their  aim  at  200  yards,  was  almost 
infallible. 

After  nine  days  of  hard  travel  the  army  arrived  at 
Aute,  but  found  that  the  news  of  their  approach  had 
preceded  them,  for  the  houses  had  all  been  burned  and 
the  inhabitants  had  fled.  However,  they  found  corn, 
beans,  and  pumpkins  in  great  quantities — a  most  wel- 
come sight  to  the  hungry  and  weary  Spaniards.  Here 
they  rested  for  two  days,  and  then  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  at 
the  request  of  the  Governor,  went  to  discover  the  sea. 
After  a  day's  march  he  arrived  at  a  bay  where  there 
were  good  oysters,  but  examination  showed  that  the 
Gulf  itself  was  far  distant;  and  so  he  returned  again  to 
the  camp.  (This  bay  was  probably  Apalachicola  Bay.) 
Everything  now  was  in  a  most  discouraging  condition. 
An  unknown  malady  had  appeared  and  spread  with 
great  rapidity  among  the  men.  Among  the  stricken 
were  the  Comptroller,  the  Inspector,  and  the  Governor 
himself.  The  Indians  had  taken  advantage  of  this 
season  of  weakness  and  made  an  attack  which  had  well 
nigh  been  disastrous.  The  position  of  the  army  was 
very  embarrassing,  and  there  was  no  hope  of  improve- 
ment where  they  were ;  so  it  was  determined  to  set  off 
immediately  for  the  shore.  But  this  journey,  though 
short,  was  no  easy  task.  The  sick  increased  in  number 
daily,  and  there  were  not  enough  horses  to  carry  them. 
Scarcely  any  of  the  men  continued  fit  for  active  duty ; 
and  while  thus  compassed  by  difficulties  their  danger 
was  increased  by  a  plot  entered  into  by  those  who  were 
mounted  to  abandon  the  Governor  and  their  comrades 
and  press  on  themselves  to  a  place  of  safety.  This 


54  CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

scheme,  however,  was  fortunately  frustrated  and  aban- 
doned. 

On  arriving  at  the  bay  the  condition  of  the  army 
was  not  much  improved — except  that  they  could  obtain 
oysters  from  the  water.  Affairs  soon  became  so  critical 
that  the  Governor  asked  the  advice  of  all  the  leading 
men  as  to  the  course  which  promised  best  to  relieve 
them  in  their  emergency.  A  third  of  the  men  were 
sick,  and  the  number  was  continually  increasing.  Ev- 
ery day  augmented  their  difficulties.  It  was  dangerous 
to  move,  and  dangerous  to  remain  still.  They  were  on 
an  arm  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  but  the  whereabouts  of 
their  vessels  no  one  knew.  Yet  they  were  unable  to 
march  farther,  and  the  sea  presented  their  only  means 
of  escape.  At  last,  after  all  their  circumstances  were 
considered,  all  agreed  that  they  must  endeavor,  if  possi- 
ble, to  build  boats  which  would  carry  them  away  from 
this  land  of  misfortune.  But  no  project  could  well 
seem  more  impossible  of  execution.  They  had  no  tools, 
no  iron,  no  forge,  no  rigging — in  short,  no  single  thing 
of  those  most  necessary;  and  no  man  who  had  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  manufacture.  Besides  all  this,  they  were 
nearly  out  of  provisions.  They  were  about  abandoning 
the  idea  when  one  of  the  men  said  that  he  believed  he 
could  make  a  bellows  from  a  wooden  pipe  and  some 
deer-skins;  and  in  their  despondent  condition  even 
this  suggestion  seemed  like  a  ray  of  hope  from  heaven. 
They  agreed  to  use  their  stirrups,  spurs,  and  everthing 
which  they  had  of  iron,  in  the  manufacture  of  nails, 
axes,  and  other  tools.  From  the  outer  fibrous  covering 
of  the  palmetto  they  prepared  a  good  substitute  for  tow. 
A  Greek  named  Teodoro  made  pitch  from  the  adjacent 
pine-trees.  From  the  palmetto  leaves  and  the  tails  and 
manes  of  their  horses,  ropes  and  rigging  were  ingen- 
iously manufactured;  and  sails  were  made  from  the 
shirts  of  the  men.  But  a  single  carpenter  was  in  their 
entire  company;  but  under  his  direction  they  worked 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  55 

with  such  diligence  that  in  the  period  from  August  4th 
to  September  20th  they  built  five  boats,  each  twenty- 
two  cubits  in  length.  Meanwhile  a  good  supply  of  pro- 
visions was  obtained  by  making  armed  excursions  to 
Aute,  from  which,  in  all,  about  640  bushels  of  corn  were 
brought ;  and  on  every  third  day  a  horse  was  killed  to 
furnish  meat.  The  skins  from  the  legs  of  these  animals 
were  taken  off  entire,  and  by  rude  tanning  made  into 
bottles  to  hold  water  for  the  coming  voyage.  They  also 
obtained  shell-fish  from  the  adjacent  coves;  but  this 
work  proved  dangerous,  for  bands  of  Indian  archers  at- 
tacked all  isolated  parties,  and  so  powerful  and  accurate 
was  their  shooting  that  their  arrows  even  pierced  the 
armor  of  the  men,  and  in  one  day  ten  soldiers  were 
thus  killed  in  sight  of  the  camp.  More  than  forty  died 
from  the  disease  before  mentioned,  and  when  the  boats 
were  completed,  but  one  horse  remained  unconsumed. 
There  was,  therefore,  little  time  to  lose,  and  on  the 
20th  they  embarked  in  their  frail  boats,  which  were 
found  scarcely  sufficiently  large  to  convey  the  whole 
number.  The  company,  which  now  consisted  of  247 
persons,  was  divided  equally,  from  forty-eight  to  fifty 
going  in  each  boat.  One  was  commanded  by  the 
Governor,  Narvaez;  one  by  the  Comptroller  and  Com- 
missary; one  by  Captain  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  An- 
dres Dorantes ;  one  by  Captains  Penalosa  and  Tellez, 
and  one  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  the  Assessor.  So  heavily 
were  the  vessels  loaded  when  all  were  on  board  that  not 
more  than  a  SDan  remained  above  water ;  and  the  men 
were  so  crowded  that  they  could  not  move  without  dan- 
ger. What  greatly  added  to  their  difficulties  was,  that 
among  the  wrhole  company  there  was  not  one  who  un- 
derstood even  the  first  principles  of  navigation. 

Never,  perhaps,  in  all  history,  has  an  enterprise  been 
undertaken  in  the  face  of  more  discouragements  and 
difficulties  than  this  embarkation  of  the  almy  of  Narvaez. 
For  a  single  man  cast  away,  to  frame  a  raft  on  which  to 


56  OABEZA  DE  VACA. 

attempt  escape,  is  not  rare ;  but  without  a  nail  or  tool 
of^any  kind,  to  build  boats  capable  of  carrying  a  quarter 
of  a  thousand  people,  working  in  the  midst  of  sickness 
and  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  is  without  a  parallel. 
The  place  where  this  work  was  accomplished  the 
Spaniards  called  "  Bahia  de  Caballos,"  the  "  Bay  of 
Horses."  A  few  years  later  (1539),  a  party  from  the 
army  of  De  Soto,  under  Juan  de  Anasco,  visited  it  and 
heard  from  the  natives  an  account  of  the  sojourn  of  the 
army  of  Narvaez,  being  shown  the  spots  where  the  ten 
Spaniards  had  been  killed  and  other  memorable  events 
had  occurred.  He  even  found  the  furnace  in  which  the 
spikes  had  been  made  for  the  boats,  still  surrounded  by 
charcoal,  and  some  large  hollowed  logs  that  had  been 
used  for  horse-troughs.  This  bay  is  easily  recognizable, 
from  its  situation  and  description,  as  Appalachee ;  and 
this  theory  is  confirmed  by  the  extract  from  Charlevoix 
•in  1722,  given  hereafter.  It  is  possible,  however,  that 
it  may  have  been  near  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola 
River. 

The  army  embarked  on  the  22d  of  September,  and 
proceeded  along  the  shallow  waters  of  the  coast,  seeing 
nothing  of  unusual  interest  until  toward  evening  of  the 
28th,  when  they  approached  an  inhabited  island,  from 
which  five  canoes  full  of  Indians  came  toward  them. 
The  natives,  however,  were  overcome  with  fear  at  the 
sight  of  the  number  of  the  pale-faced  strangers,  and 
hastily  abandoning  their  canoes,  swam  to  the  shore  for 
safety.  The  Spaniards  pressed  on  to  the  island,  where 
they  found  a  number  of  houses,  and  what  was  most 
acceptable  in  their  condition,  some  dried  mullet  and 
fish-roes.  The  abandoned  boats  they  made  useful  in 
heightening  the  sides  of  their  own  dangerous  vessels, 
until  they  were  two  palms  above  the  water.  In  these 
frail  crafts  for  thirty  more  long  days  they  moved  along 
the  coast,  their  sufferings  from  lack  of  food  increasing  as 
time  passed  and  stores  became  exhausted,  and  their  difn- 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  57 

culties  much  enhanced  by  the  scarcity  of  fresh  water  ? 
which  could  only  be  procured  by  entering  creeks  and 
going  beyond  the  reach  of  the  tide,  which  of  course 
entailed  the  loss  of  much  time.  Unfortunately,  their 
singular  bottles  of  horses'  legs  did  not  meet  the  hopes  of 
their  ingenious  inventors,  for  they  soon  rotted  and 
became  worthless,  leaving  the  boats  without  any  vessels 
in  which  to  preserve  any  quantity  of  the  necessary  water. 
On  the  30th  day  they  saw  a  small  island,  and  went 
on  shore  in  hopes  of  finding  a  spring,  but  in  this  were 
disappointed ;  and  while  thus  on  land  so  violent  a  storm 
arose  that  they  were  afraid  to  tempt  the  waters  again, 
and  were  thus  detained  for  six  days,  during  the  last 
five  of  which  they  were  utterly  destitute  of  drink.  So 
frightful  became  their  sufferings  from  this  deprivation 
that  at  length  some  of  the  men  in  desperation  drank 
the  salt  sea-water,  and  in  a  short  time  several  died.  In 
this  terrible  position,  death  from  thirst  threatening 
them  if  they  remained,  and  destruction  by  the  storm 
impending  if  they  took  to  the  sea,  they  chose  the  lat- 
ter horn  of  the  dilemma  as  that  which,  at  all  events, 
presented  some  chance  of  escape,  and  so  pushed  out 
again  into  the  Gulf.  The  waves  were  so  high,  and  the 
weather  so  tempestuous,  that  many  times  they  were 
nearly  overwhelmed;  but  when  death  seemed  almost  in- 
evitable, just  at  sunset,  they  passed  around  a  projecting 
point  of  land  and  found  a  calm  harbor  beyond.  What 
was  equally  welcome  at  such  a  time,  they  saw  an  Indian 
village  and  a  number  of  natives  in  caroes.  The  Span- 
iards quickly  approached  the  shore,  and  lost  no  time 
in  gaining  the  land,  being  hastened  by  the  sight  of  jars 
of  water  standing  in  front  of  the  houses.  From  them 
they  quenched  their  almost  inexhaustible  thirst,  and 
then  proceeded  to  observe  the  surroundings.  The 
houses  of  these  Indians  were  made  of  mats,  and  appeared 
to  be  permanent  dwellings.  The  men  were  tall,  of  fine 
form,  and  when  first  seen  had  no  arms  of  any  kind. 


58  CABEZA  DE  VACA; 

The  Cacique  of  the  village  soon  appeared  and  invited 
Narvaez  to  his  home,  where  he  supplied  him  with  cooked 
fish,  and  in  return  the  Governor  presented  the  chief 
with  various  trinkets.  The  Spaniards  gave  the  Indians 
a  little  of  their  remaining  scanty  store  of  corn,  and  the 
natives  supplied  them  with  fish  and  whatever  they  had 
to  offer.  The  best  of  feeling  appeared  to  prevail  on  both 
sides;  but  just  at  midnight,  when  the  Spaniards,  ex- 
hausted by  their  long  watching,  were  heavily  asleep, 
the  Indians  suddenly  made  an  attack  on  them,  and 
killed  three  of  those  who  were  sick  and  had  been 
brought  on  shore.  They  made  an  attempt  to  kill  Nar- 
vaez, and  succeeded  in  striking  him  in  the  face  with  a 
stone.  Some  of  the  Spaniards  seized  their  chief,  but 
the  Indians  being  greater  in  number  rescued  him.  The 
Governor  was  carried  to  his  boat,  and  the  sick  and  feeble 
were  also  put  on  board,  while  fifty  of  the  strongest  of 
the  Spaniards  remained  to  meet  the  attack  of  the  In- 
dians. The  latter  fought  with  bravery  and  determina- 
tion. Three  times  during  the  night  they  drove  the  Eu- 
ropeans back,  and  but  for  lack  of  arrows,  the  historian 
(who  was  an  active  participant)  thinks  that  they  would 
have  inflicted  great  damage.  As  it  was,  every  Spaniard 
was  more  or  less  wounded ;  Cabeza  de  Vaca  himself  be- 
ing stricken  in  the  face.  The  next  day,  as  soon  as  the 
weather  permitted,  the  boats  set  sail  again;  having, 
however,  unfortunately,  no  means  by  which  to  carry 
any  sufficient  supply  of  water. 

One  trophy  they  retained  from  this  adventure  of 
which  the  chronicler  makes  special  mention.  When 
the  Cacique  was  rescued  by  his  people,  they  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards  his  robe  of  civet-marten.  "  These 
skins,"  says  Vaca,  "  are  the  best,  I  think,  that  can  be 
found;  they  have  a  fragrance  which  can  be  equalled  by 
amber  and  musk  alone,  and  even  at  a  distance  is  strongly 
perceptible.  We  saw  other  skins  there,  but  none  to  be 
compared  with  these." 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  59 

Sailing  along  the  shore,  the  little  squadron  soon  came 
to  the  mouth  of  a  river,  and  again  saw  Indians  in  canoes. 
The  Governor  made  signs  that  he  wanted  water,  and  they 
replied  that  they  would  bring  it.  Thereupon  Don  Teo- 
doro,  the  same  Greek  who  manufactured  the  pitch  for 
the  boats  at  the  Bahia  de  Caballos,  insisted  on  going  on 
shore  with  them,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  protestations 
of  his  companions  went,  taking  with  him  a  negro  from 
one  of  the  boats.  All  that  could  be  done  by  the  cap- 
tains to  secure  his  safety  was  to  detain  two  Indians  on 
a  boat  as  hostages.  At  night  the  Indians  came  again, 
bringing  the  vessels  but  no  water,  and  without  the 
Greek  or  the  African.  They  said  something  in  their 
own  language  to  the  two  hostages,  whereupon  the  latter 
attempted  to  jump  into  the  sea,  but  were  seized  and  re- 
strained by  the  Spaniards.  Seeing  this,  the  Indians 
who  had  come  fled  in  their  canoes.  The  next  morning 
a  large  number  of  Indians  in  boats  surrounded  the  little 
squadron  and  demanded  the  delivery  of  their  two  com- 
panions, but  were  answered  that  they  must  first  return 
the  two  Christians.  To  this  they  gave  no  satisfactory 
answer,  only  saying  that  if  the  Spaniards  would  come 
on  shore  they  would  not  only  deliver  Teodoro  and  the 
African,  but  would  also  supply  them  with  water  and 
other  necessaries.  The  Spaniards,  however,  feared  some 
treachery,  and  as  the  Indians  seemed  to  be  attempting 
to  cut  off  their  retreat,  by  taking  possession  of  the  en- 
trance of  the  bay,  Narvaez  immediately  set  sail  for  the 
sea.  The  natives  then  showed  their  hostile  intentions, 
for  they  began  to  hurl  clubs  and  throw  stones  from 
slings  at  the  Spaniards,  and  threatened  to  shoot  with 
arrows.  The  wind,  however,  favored  the  latter,  and 
they  succeeded  in  getting  into  the  open  sea  and  beyond 
the  reach  of  their  assailants;  bat  while  thus  saving 
themselves,  they  had  to  abandon  the  Greek  and  negro 
to  their  fate.  Years  afterwards,  when  De  Soto  passed 
through,  his  soldiers  heard  of  Don  Teodoro,  and  were 


60  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

shown  a  dirk  which  had  been  his;  but  the  accounts  of 
his  fate,  and  that  of  his  companion,  were  conflicting. 
At  all  events,  they  never  lived  to  return  to  their  homes, 
or  even  to  see  a  European  face  again. 

The  little  fleet  sailed  westward  all  that  day,  but 
about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  came  in  sight  of  a 
point  of  land  and  the  mouth  of  a  broad  river.  So  great 
was  the  volume  of  water  brought  down  by  this  stream 
that  the  sailors  took  fresh  water  from  the  sea  which 
was  fit  for  drinking  purposes;  and  shortly  afterwards, 
attempting  to  pass  the  mouth  of  the  river,  they  found 
it  to  be  impossible,  as  the  current  was  so  violent  that  it 
continually  drove  them  out  to  sea,  while  they  were 
straining  every  nerve  to  reach  the  land.  Three  full 
days  they  toiled  in  this  way,  trying  to  gain  the  shore 
against  the  mighty  current  which  was  stronger  by  far 
than  anything  which  human  arms  could  do,  and  before 
which  the  frail  boats  were  but  as  bubbles  on  an  ocean; 
and  on  the  morning  of  November  3d  the  little  vessels 
had  become  so  far  separated  that  none  of  the  others 
could  be  seen  from  that  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  from  the  description,  as  well 
as  from  the  locality,  that  this  river  with  the  enormous 
current  of  fresh  water  was  the  Mississippi;  and  that 
while  De  Soto  has  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to  see  it 
in  its  proper  form  as  a  river  running  through  the  land, 
the  fleet  of  Narvaez,  several  years  before,  was  in  sight 
of  its  mouth  and  felt  the  force  of  its  mighty  current, 
and  actually  drank  of  its  waters  as  they  made  a  channel 
through  the  salt  waves  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

We  can  imagine  the  feelings  of  the  party  in  the  boat 
of  the  Treasurer  when  they  found  themselves  alone  in 
the  open  sea.  They  had  suffered  almost  every  possible 
privation  before,  but  always  in  the  companionship  of 
their  comrades — but  now  even  that  consolation  was  re- 
moved. Keeping  on  their  westerly  course,  however,  just 
at  evening,  they  were  rejoiced  again  to  see  two  of  the 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  61 

boats,  one  near  at  hand,  and  one  far  out  at  sea.  Ap- 
proaching the  former,  they  found  it  to  be  that  of  the 
Governor,  and  a  consultation  took  place  as  to  the  best 
course  of  action.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  contended  that  they 
ought  to  join  the  other  boat  at  all  hazards,  so  as  to  be 
together,  and  then  proceed  on  their  way;  but  the  Gov- 
ernor answered  that  the  other  boat  was  too  far  out  at 
sea,  and  that  they  ought  to  reach  the  shore  as  soon  as 
possible.  He  expressed  his  own  determination  to  take 
that  course,  and  told  Vaca  that  if  he  wanted  to  remain 
in  his  company  he  must  keep  every  man  at  the  oars  in 
order  to  bring  the  boat  to  land.  This  the  Treasurer  did, 
taking  an  oar  himself  to  aid  and  encourage  the  men } 
but  the  soldiers  were  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  hunger, 
and  could  not  compete  as  oarsmen  with  the  stronger 
men  in  the  Governor's  boat — which  had  been  manned 
by  the  healthiest  and  most  athletic  of  the  army.  Find- 
ing that  he  could  not  keep  up  with  the  Governor's  boat, 
Vaca  begged  them  to  give  him  a  rope  so  that  his  boat 
could  be  towed  along;  but  this  the  Governor  refused, 
saying  that  it  would  be  all  they  could  do,  with  every 
exertion,  to  reach  the  shore  that  night,  alone.  Vaca 
then  asked  what  could  be  done,  as  his  men  were  too 
feeble  to  follow  the  Governor's  boat  without  assistance; 
and  Narvaez  answered  that  it  was  no  longer  a  time  for 
one  man  to  give  orders  to  another;  that  each  should  do 
what  seemed  the  best  to  save  his  own  life;  and  that  he 
had  determined  to  act  on  that  principle  himself.  And 
with  this  abdication  of  control,  and  cry  of  "sauve  qui 
peut"  he  pressed  forward  with  his  own  boat,  and  was 
soon  lost  in  the  darkness. 

As  Vaca  could  have  no  more  hope  from  that  quarter, 
he  directed  his  course  to  the  other  boat,  which  awaited 
his  approach  and  which  he  found  to  be  that  commanded 
by  Penalosa  and  Tellez.  These  two  little  crafts,  com- 
panions in  misery,  and  laden  with  as  unhappy  a  set  of 
men  as  ever  burdened  a  vessel,  kept  company  with  each 


62  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

other  four  days,  while  the  passengers  were  reduced  to  a 
diurnal  allowance  of  half  a  handful  of  raw  corn.  Then 
a  storm  arose  and  they  became  separated,  never  more  to 
see  each  other.  The  wretchedness  of  the  situation  in 
his  own  boat  is  so  vividly  described  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
himself  that  it  seems  best  to  use  his  own  words. 
"  Because,"  says  he,  "of  winter  and  its  inclemency,  the 
many  days  we  had  suffered  hunger,  and  the  heavy  beat- 
ing of  the  waves,  the  people  began  next  day  to  despair 
in  such  a  manner  that  when  the  sun  sank  all  who  were 
in  my  boat  were  fallen  one  on  another,  so  near  to  death 
that  there  were  few  among  them  in  a  state  of  sensibility. 
Of  the  whole  number  at  this  time  not  five  men  were  on 
their  feet ;  and  when  night  came,  only  the  master  and 
myself  were  left  who  could  work  the  boat.  Two  hours 
after  dark  he  said  to  me  that  I  must  take  charge  of  her, 
as  he  was  in  such  condition  he  believed  he  should  die 
that  night.  So  I  took  the  paddle,  and  going  after  mid- 
night to  see  if  the  master  was  alive,  he  said  to  me  he 
was  rather  better,  and  would  take  the  charge  until  day. 
I  declare  in  that  hour  I  would  more  willingly  have  died 
than  seen  so  many  people  before  me  in  such  condition. 
After  the  master  took  the  direction  of  the  boat,  I  lay 
down  a  little  while,  but  without  repose,  for  nothing  at 
that  time  was  farther  from  me  than  sleep. v  Toward 
morning  the  Treasurer  heard  the  roaring  sound  which 
told  of  waves  beating  on  a  shore,  and  on  sounding  found 
that  they  were  in  seven  fathoms  of  water.  The  Captain 
advised  that  they  should  keep  off  shore  until  it  was  light 
enough  to  land  with  safety,  and  so  Vaca  himself  took  an 
oar  and  pulled  the  boat  out  into  the  Gulf.  There  a  great 
wave  struck  the  boat,  throwing  it  entirely  out  of  the 
water  and  arousing  all  of  the  men  within  it,  no  matter 
how  exhausted;  and  as  she  was  forced  near  the  shore 
again,  they  got  out  on  the  rocks  and  crawled  to  the 
land  on  their  hands  and  feet  to  the.  shelter  of  some 
ravines.  There  they  made  a  fire,  parched  and  ate  the 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  63 

scanty  remainder  of  their  corn,  and  relieved  their  thirst 
from  pools  of  rain-water. 

The  morning  having  come,  and  the  men  being  some- 
what refreshed,  Vaca  ordered  the  strongest  of  the  party, 
one  Lope  de  Oviedo,  to  climb  to  the  top  of  some  trees 
near  at  hand  and  reconnoitre  the  country ;  and  he  soon 
returned  to  say  they  were  on  an  island  which  seemed 
inhabited.  This  aroused  mingled  feelings  of  joy  and 
fear,  which  were  enhanced  when  the  same  messenger 
returned  from  a  second  trip  to  tell  of  finding  some 
empty  huts,  and  bringing  an  earthen  pot,  a  little  dog, 
and  a  few  mullets,  which  he  had  found  in  them.  Just 
as  he  arrived  three  Indians  came  in  view  following  him, 
and  half  an  hour  later  their  number  was  increased  by 
fully  100  of  their  companions,  all  armed  with  bows. 
"  They  were  not  large,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  but  our 
fears  made  giants  of  them.  The  Spaniards  were  in  no 
condition  to  meet  any  hostile  attack,  so  they  attempted 
to  conciliate  the  natives.  The  Treasurer  and  the  Over- 
seer went  to  meet  them,  and  by  signs  endeavored  to 
open  friendly  intercourse.  They  gave  them  beads  and 
bells,  and  in  return  each  Indian  gave  Vaca  an  arrow  in 
token  of  friendship,  and  promised  to  bring  some  provis- 
ions the  next  day.  True  to  this  promise,  at  sunrise 
the  Indians  brought  a  quantity  of  fish  and  a  kind  of 
edible  root,  about  the  size  of  a  walnut;  and  again  at 
evening  they  returned  with  more  of  the  same  supplies. 
The  Spaniards  in  return  gave  such  presents  as  they 
could  to  the  women  and  children,  who  flocked  to  see 
them. 

Being  thus  refreshed,  they  began  to  think  of  pursuing 
their  journey,  and  with  much  difficulty  dug  their  boat 
out  of  the  beach-sand,  under  which  it  was  buried.  They 
were  still  so  weak  that  all  exertion  was  a  great  burden, 
and  in  endeavoring  to  launch  the  craft  they  stripped  off 
their  clothes  so  as  to  work  the  better.  The  boat  was 
scarcely  in  the  water,  and  but  a  little  way  from  shore, 


64  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

when  a  wave  passed  over  her,  making  the  oars  so  slippery 
as  to  be  temporarily  useless,  and  the  next  minute  another 
wave  completely  capsized  the  boat.  Three  of  the  crew, 
including  Don  Alonzo  de  Solis,  the  assessor,  seeking  to 
save  themselves  by  clinging  to  the  vessel,  were  carried 
under  and  drowned;  the  rest  of  the  Spaniards  being 
thrown  violently  upon  the  beach,  naked  and  half  dead. 
Here  the  cold  wind,  beating  upon  their  wet  and  unpro- 
tected bodies,  would  have  caused  them  to  perish,  but  that 
they  found  a  few  embers  still  remaining  from  their  last 
fire,  and  soon  had  a  bright  blaze  to  warm  and  comfort 
them.  When  the  Indians  came  as  usual  at  sunset  to 
bring  fish  and  roots,  they  were  so  amazed  and  alarmed 
at  what  seemed  to  them  a  miraculous  transformation  of 
their  strange  guests,  that  they  immediately  fled ;  but  on 
learning  the  true  state  of  affairs  by  signs,  and  seeing  the 
dead  bodies  washed  onto  the  shore,  they  returned  and 
expressed  their  sympathy  and  condolence  by  loud  and 
mournful  lamentations  for  the  space  of  half  an  hour* 
"  It  was  strange,"  says  Vaca,  "to  see  these  men,  wild 
and  untaught,  howling  like  beasts  over  our  misfortunes. 
It  caused  in  me,  as  in  others,  an  increase  of  sorrow  and 
a  more  vivid  sense  of  our  calamity."  Nothing  could 
well  exceed  the  kindness  experienced  at  the  hands  of 
these  Indians.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  suggested  to  his  com- 
rades that  in  their  forlorn  condition  it  would  be  best  to 
ask  the  natives  to  take  them  to  their  homes.  The 
soldiers  generally  objected  to  this,  fearing  that  they 
would  be  sacrificed  to  the  native  idols;  but  Vaca  per- 
sisted, and  begged  the  Indians  to  take  care  of  them. 
The  proposition  was  received  with  great  favor,  and  so 
careful  and  considerate  were  the  Indians  that  they 
carried  the  half-starved  and  exhausted  white  men  in  their 
arms  up  to  their  village,  and  on  account  of  the  extreme 
cold  and  the  nakedness  of  their  guests,  built  four  or  five 
large  fires  at  easy  distances  along  the  road  with  which  to 
warm  the  Spaniards  on  the  way. 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  65 

Arrived  at  the  village,  the  strangers  were  lodged  in 
a  house  just  constructed  for  them,  and  were  supplied 
with  fires ;  and  would  have  been  most  comfortable  but 
for  an  unpleasant  idea  that  they  were  only  being  well 
cared  for  at  the  present  in  order  to  be  prepared  to  be 
suitable  victims  in  a  great  sacrifice.  Meanwhile  the 
Indians  celebrated  the  event  by  dancing  and  rejoicings, 
which  continued  all  night.  The  next  day  the  keen  eye 
of  Vaca  observed  with  one  of  the  Indians  an  European 
article  which  their  own  party  had  not  brought,  and  on 
inquiry  was  told  that  it  was  a  gift  from  some  other  men 
similar  to  the  Spaniards,  who  were  not  far  off.  Amazed 
and  delighted  by  this  intelligence,  the  Treasurer  sent 'a 
small  party  to  seek  their  countrymen,  who  were  soon 
met,  as  they  had  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  were  hastening  to  visit  him — and  who  turned  out 
to  be  the  entire  company  from  the  boat  of  Captains 
Dorantes  and  Castillo.  Their  respective  stories  were 
quickly  told ;  and  it  appeared  that  the  day  before  Ca- 
beza de  Vaca  and  his  comrades  were  cast  on  that  shore 
the  other  boat  had  been  capsized  a  league  and  a  half 
from  there,  but  all  the  men  were  saved,  and  succeeded 
in  preserving  a  large  proportion  of  their  goods.  It  was 
soon  agreed  that  the  best  plan  was  to  repair  their  boat 
so  that  the  strongest  of  the  united  company  could  pro- 
ceed along  the  coast  in  search  of  assistance,  while  the 
others  remained  to  regain  their  strength,  or  until  succor 
should  arrive.  In  accordance  with  this  plan  they  set  at 
work;  but  their  efforts  were  fruitless  and  their  hopes 
disappointed,  for  the  boat  proved  unfit  for  service,  and 
finally  sank  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  There  was  then 
no  alternative  but  to  winter  on  the  island;  for  the  weak 
condition  of  the  men,  as  well  as  their  lack  of  covering, 
prevented  further  effort  at  that  cold  and  boisterous 
season. 

Four  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  company,  however, 
being  all  expert  swimmers,  volunteered  to  make  one 


66  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

more  attempt  to  reach  the  Spanish  settlement  at  Pan- 
uco  in  Mexico  (which  they  all  believed  to  be  not  .far 
distant),  in  order  that,  if  a  good  Providence  crowned 
their  efforts  with  success,  relief  might  be  sent  to  the 
wretched  party  on  the  island.  The  men  who  thus 
risked  their  lives  were  a  Portuguese  named  Alvaro 
Fernandez,  and  three  Spaniards  named  Mendez,  Fi- 
gueroa,  and  Astudillo.  They  were  accompanied  by  an 
Indian  of  the  island — which  was  called  by  the  natives 
Auia,  but  which  the  Spaniards,  from  their  own  sad  ex- 
periences there,  appropriately  named  Malhado,  or  Bad 
Luck. 

And  now  these  experiences  were  to  become  more  and 
more  unfortunate.  The  weather  soon  became  so  tem- 
pestuous that  the  natives  could  no  longer  find  the  roots 
which  grew  at  the  water's  edge,  and  the  fish-nets  caught 
nothing,  so  that  semi-starvation  ensued;  besides  this, 
the  exposure  to  the  winter  blasts  without  any  sufficient 
protection  made  many  a  stout  heart  but  emaciated  body 
succumb.  Five  Spaniards  living  by  themselves  in  an 
isolated  place  near  the  shore  were  reduced  tov  such 
straits  that  as  each  died  the  survivors  lived  on  his 
dead  body;  so  that  when  visited,  only  the  corpse  of  the 
last  survivor  was  found  unmolested.  So  great  was  the 
suffering  and  mortality  that  before  spring  sixty-five 
out  of  the  eighty  who  had  come  on  shore  in  the  two 
boats  had'perished.  Then  the  Indians  themselves,  prob- 
ably on  account  of  their  insufficient  food,  became  af- 
flicted with  a  disease  of  the  bowels,  which  proved  so 
fatal  that  full  half  of  the  whole  population  fell  victims 
to  it.  Never  having  been  so  afflicted  before,  they  at- 
tributed their  misfortune  to  the  malign  influence  of 
the  pale-faced  strangers,  and  determined  to  put  the  sur- 
viving Spaniards  to  death  for  their  own  safety,  if  not 
in  retaliation  for  the  scourge  inflicted  on  their  people; 
and  this  purpose  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  put  into 
execution  but  for  the  enlightened  advice  of  the  Indian 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  67 

who   had   special  charge  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,   who  re- 
minded  his   companions   that   if   the   Europeans   had 
power  over  life  and  death  they  would  certainly  have 
saved  their  own  people  from  the  dire  destruction  which 
had  carried  off  nearly  all  of  their  number;  that  those 
who  remained  were  not  only  feeble,  but  showed  no  ill 
will  to  the  natives,  and  that  it  would  be  far  better  to 
leave  them   in  God's  hands.     Fortunately,  these  argu- 
ments prevailed,  and  the  remnant  of  the  Spaniards  was 
saved  from  the  impending  peril.     Thus  they  remained 
on  the  island   until  April,   suffering   great    privations 
themselves,  but  none  greater  than  those  undergone  by 
the  Indians;  some  of  whose    immemorial  customs  en- 
tailed great  inconveniences  and  danger  in  such  a  time 
of  pestilence.     For  example,  if  a  son  or  a  brother  died 
in  a  family,  none  of  the  household  could  go  out  in  search 
of  food  for  three  months,  but  had  to  be  supplied  by  their 
friends  and  relatives;  and  they  would  sooner  perish  than 
violate  this  observance.      While  ordinarily  this  might 
produce  no  inconvenience,  yet  during  this  winter,  when 
nearly  every  house  had  lost  one  of  its  inmates,  it  caused 
great  hardships.     The  number  of  those  still  permitted 
to  obtain  food  was  so  greatly  reduced  that  though  they 
toiled  from  morning  till  night,  the  supply  was  far  less 
than  what  was  required,  and  yet  none  had  the  temerity 
to  break  through  the  custom ;  and  had  not  a  part  of  the 
people  passed  over  to  the  main-land,  where  there  were 
oysters,  nearly  the  whole  population  would  have  per- 
ished.    In  April  the  Spaniards  under  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
also  crossed  over,   and  lived  on  blackberries   all   that 
month;  while  the  Indians  carried  on  their  spring  cere- 
monials and  dances.     This  probably  gave  rise  to.  the  re- 
port which  was  brought  back  to  Cuba  by  a  vessel  which 
had  been  sent  along  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  in  search  of 
the  expedition  of  Narvaez,  and  which  is  referred  to  in  a 
report  made  by  Lope  Hurtado  to  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.,  dated  May  20,  529,  in  the  following  words:    "A  car- 


68  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

aval  has  arrived  here  from  searching  after  Narvaez,  and 
brings  eight  Indians  from  the  coast;  they  state  by  signs 
that  he  is  inland  with  his  men,  who  do  little  else  than 
eat,  drink,  and  sleep." 

Among  this  people  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  com- 
panions first  appeared  in  the  character  of  physicians, 
in  which  they  were  afterwards  compelled  to  act  in  many 
places.  The  native  system  of  medical  attendance  was 
by  blowing  upon  the  sick,  and  with  that  breath  and  the 
laying  on  of  hands  they  performed  the  cures.  They 
also  made  cauteries  with  fire  and  then  blew  upon  the 
spot,  which  gave  the  patient  relief.  The  Indians  in- 
sisted that  the  Spaniards  should  act  as  their  physicians, 
and  when  the  latter  demurred  and  said  that  they  had  no 
knowledge  of  medicine,  the  Indians  insisted  that  it 
could  not  be,  but  that  the  whites  being  extraordinary 
men,  must  possess  this  power;  and  believing  that  the 
refusal  came  from  stubbornness,  they  withheld  all  food 
from  them  until  they  had  starved  them  into  compliance. 
While  thus  constrained  to  obey,  the  Spaniards  were  in 
great  fear,  lest  their  ill  success  should  bring  new  dangers 
upon  them;  but  these  apprehensions  seem  not  to  have 
been  realized.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  tells  us  :  "  Our  method 
was  to  bless  the  sick,  breathing  upon  them,  and  recite  a 
Pater-noster  and  Ave-Maria,  praying  with  all  earnest- 
ness to  God  our  Lord  that  he  would  give  health,  and  in- 
fluence them  to  make  us  some  good  return.  In  his 
clemency  he  willed  that  all  those  for  whom  we  suppli- 
cated should  tell  the  others  that  they  were  sound  and 
in  health,  directly  after  we  made  the  sign  of  the  blessed 
cross  over  them.  For  this  the  Indians  treated  us 
kindly;  they  deprived  themselves  of  food  that  they 
might  give  to  us,  and  presented  us  with  skins  and  some 
trifles." 

As  the  spring  advanced  the  other  Christians  returned 
to  the  island,  but  Vaca  remained  on  the  main-land, 
where  he  became  very  sick.  Hearing  of  this,  the  others,. 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  69 

under  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  Andres  Dorantes,  desired 
to  visit  him,  but  had  considerable  difficulty  in  getting 
the  tribe  with  which  they  were  to  allow  them  to  cross. 
Those  still  alive  on  the  island  were  fourteen  in  all,  but 
two,  named  Alviniz  and  Lope  de  Oviedo,  were  too  feeble 
to  travel.  The  other  twelve  crossed  to  the  main-land, 
and  there  found  another  of  their  party,  Francisco  de 
Leon ;  and  these  thirteen  started  to  travel  along  the 
coast,  leaving  Cabeza  de  Vaca  alone  and  to  his  fate,  as 
he  was  unable  to  move.  Here  he  remained  for  more 
than  a  year,  treated  by  the  natives  as  a  slave,  and  com- 
pelled to  perform  the  most  toilsome  and  painful  work. 
During  this  time  he  was  continually  planning  how  to 
escape  to  some  other  tribe,  and  so  gradually  move  on  to 
Mexico,  but  it  was  long  before  an  opportunity  was  pre- 
sented. At  length  he  proposed  to  his  masters  to  go 
trafficking  for  them  to  the  adjacent  tribes,  and  as  he  was 
expert  in  such  matters,  they  soon  let  him  travel  on  such 
business  to  considerable  distances.  The  goods  that  he 
took  to  trade  with,  were  shells,  and  a  peculiar  fruit,  like 
a  bean,  which  the  interior  tribes  used  as  a  medicine  ; 
and  in  return  he  obtained  skins,  ochre  for  painting  the 
face,  hard  cane  to  make  arrows,  sinews,  flints,  etc.,  etc. 
This  business  gave  him  not  only  great  liberty,  but  better 
fare  and  treatment ;  and  besides,  he  was  continually  gain- 
ing information  as  to  the  best  way  to  go  forward  when 
he  should  escape  and  start  for  Christian  settlements. 

For  nearly  six  years  he  remained  thus  among  the 
natives,  with  no  European  for  a  companion,  but  living 
naked  and  in  all  respects  like  an  Indian.  The  reason, 
he  says,  that  he  remained  so  long  was  that  he  wanted, 
when  he  went,  to  take  with  him  Oviedo,  who  had  been 
left  on  the  island,  and  whose  companion,  Alvaniz,  had 
soon  after  died.  With  this  in  view  he  went  over  to  the 
island  every  year  and  saw  Oviedo,  and  tried  to  induce 
him  to  start  on  the  journey  toward  the  Christian  settle- 
ments. But  Oviedo,  who  seems  to  have  been  satisfied 


70  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

with  his  lot,  or  else  afraid  to  venture  on  new  trials,  kept 
putting  him  off,  until  in  the  year  1533  Vaca  finally  took 
him  away  and  carried  him  with  him  toward  the  West; 
although  as  Oviedo  could  not  swim,  he  had  to  support 
him  in  the  water  in  crossing  rivers  and  bays.  So  they 
proceeded  until  they  arrived  at  a  wide  expanse  of  water, 
which  they  believed  must  be  the  bay  called  Espiritu 
Santo,  There  they  met  some  Indians  from  the  western 
side  of  the  bay,  who  said  that  there  were  three  white 
men  with  their  tribe,  and  inquiry  showed  that  these 
were  the  sole  survivors  of  the  thirteen  who  had  parsed 
on  ;  five  of  the  others  having  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  others  having  died  of  cold  or  from  privations. 
They  gave  such  a  frightful  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  three  survivors  were  being  treated  that  the 
courage  of  Oviedo  completely  gave  out,  and  he  insisted 
on  returning  to  the  island;  and  notwithstanding  the 
entreaties  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  he  could  not  be  dissuaded 
from  the  purpose,  and  so  departed,  leaving  Vaca  again 
entirely  alone  among  this  new  tribe  of  savages.  As  soon 
as  he  could,  he  ascertained  where  the  three  Spaniards 
were  to  be  found  and  visited  them ;  his  appearance  creat- 
ing the  greatest  astonishment,  as  they  had  supposed 
that  he  was  long  since  dead— and  the  natives  had  so 
reported.  In  the  words  of  Vaca:  "We  gave  many 
thanks  at  seeing  ourselves  together  again,  and  this  day 
was  to  us  the  happiest  that  we  had  ever  enjoyed  in  our 
lives."  The  three  Christians  who  were  there  found 
were  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  Andres  Dorantes,  and  Estev- 
anico,  the  latter  being  an  African.  They  soon  talked  of 
plans  of  escape,  and  Dorantes  said  that  for  a  long  time 
"he  had  been  urging  the  others  to  unite  with  him  in 
pressing  forward,  but  that  they  had  refused  because  they 
could  not  swim,  and  were  afraid  of  the  rivers  and  bays 
which  so  abounded  in  that  country.  They  advised  Vaca 
that  he  must  not  arouse  any  suspicions  on  the  part  of 
the  natives  that  he  intended  to  leave  there,  or  he  would 


I 

CABEZA    DE    VACA.  71 

certainly  be  killed ;  and  that  for  success  in  any  project 
of  escape,  it  would  be  necessary  to  wait  for  six  months, 
until  the  time  when  the  Indians  regularly  went  to 
another  island  to  eat  prickly-pears.  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
was  given  as  a  slave  to  the  same  Indian  who  owned 
Dorantes,  and  so  had  a  further  experience  in  enforced 
servitude  to  a  native. 

While  here  he  heard  of  the  fate  of  the  other  boats  of 
the  expedition,  and  of  the  death  of  Narvaez  and  the 
Comptroller.  The  boats  in  which  were  the  Comptroller 
and  the  Friars  had  been  cast  away  on  the  coast,  and 
that  of -Narvaez  had  been  carried  out  to  sea  by  a  north 
wind,  while  scarcely  any  except  the  Governor  were  on 
board,  and  was  never  more  heard  of.  All  of  the  men  in 
both  those  parties  had  perished  in  various  ways,  except 
one,  named  Hernando  de  Esquivel,  who  was  believed  to 
be  still  alive  among  the  Indians  to  the  west.  One  other 
Spaniard  still  survived,  Figueroa,  one  of  the  party  of 
four  who  were  dispatched  from  the  island  the  year  before 
to  endeavor  to  force  a  passage  through  to  Mexico,  and 
send  succor  to  their  enfeebled  commander.  It  might  be 
added  here,  that  some  time  after,  information  came 
through  the  Indians  of  the  destruction  of  the  party 
under  Penalosa  and  Tellez,  who  were  in  the  fifth  and 
last  boat.  It  appeared  that  they  had  reached  the  shore 
a  little  farther  west  than  the  others,  but  in  so  feeble  a 
condition  that  they  were  all  destroyed  by  the  Camones 
tribe,  who  inhabited  that  region,  the  Spaniards  not 
having  the  strength  to  offer  any  resistance  even  when 
being  slain. 

While  among  the  tribe  where  they  now  were,  the 
Spaniards  suffered  greatly,  being  cruelly  treated,  com- 
pelled to  work  very  hard,  and  suffer  much  hunger ;  but 
the  Indians  themselves,  except  in  the  prickly-pear 
season,  fared  little  better  as  to  food,  as  they  were  com- 
pelled to  live  on  roots,  which  were  scarce  and  difficult 
to  dig,  and  frequently  were  reduced  to  the  use  of  spiders, 


72  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

worms,  lizards,  and  snakes,  and  even  earth  and  wood. 
They  had  a  singular  custom  as  to  their  children,  all  the 
female  infants  being  cast  away  at  their  birth.  The 
reason  of  this  was  that  they  were  surrounded  by  tribes 
that  were  enemies,  and  if  their  daughters  grew  up,  they 
would  have  to  marry  into  some  of  these  tribes,  and  so 
serve  to  increase  the  number  of  their  foes — as  it  was  not 
allowable  to  intermarry  in  the  tribe.  For  their  own 
wives  they  captured  or  bought  the  women  of  their 
enemies,  in  that  way  strengthening  themselves  and 
weakening  their  opponent?. 

When  the  prickly-pear  season  arrived,  to  which  they 
had  looked  forward  as  the  time  of  their  deliverance,  by 
great  ill  fortune  the  masters  of  the  Spaniards  had  a 
quarrel  and  separated  a  considerable  distance,  so  that  it 
was  impossible  for  them  to  meet  and  escape;  and  thus 
a  whole  year  was  lost  until  the  same  season  came  again. 
During  the  year  Cabeza  de  Vaca  suffered  many  things — 
three  times  narrowly  escaping  being  killed  by  his  mas- 
ters; but  at  length  the  summer  arrived  once  more,  and 
the  tribe  moved  as  before.  After  encountering  many 
difficulties  in  arranging  to  escape,  the  Spaniards  finally 
succeeded  in  uniting  beyond  the  encampment  of  the 
Indians,  and  pressed  on  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  avoid 
being  overtaken.  After  two  days  they  came  to  another 
tribe  called  Avavares.  These  people  had  already  heard 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  of  the  wonderful  cures  which  they 
had  performed  among  the  Indians  on  the  island;  so  that 
scarcely  had  they  arrived  when  some  of  the  Indians  came 
to  Castillo  saying  that  they  had  severe  headaches,  and 
asking  to  be  relieved.  He  made  the  sign  of 'the  cross 
over  them  and  commended  them  to  God;  whereupon 
they  all  said  that  the  pains  had  departed,  and  soon  re- 
turned with  prickly -pears  and  a  piece  of  venison  —  a 
rare  treat  for  our  adventurers.  As  the  news  of  their 
cures  spread,  many  others  came,  each  bringing  a  piece 
of  venison  as  a  fee,  until  more  meat  had  accumulated 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  73 

than  the  Spaniards  knew  how  to  dispose  of;  whereupon 
they  gave  thanks  to  God  for  his  goodness.  As  the  season 
was  now  well  advanced  and  inquiry  showed  that  there 
were  no  provisions  at  that  season  in  the  country  beyond, 
the  Spaniards  concluded  to  remain  through  the  winter 
with  these  Indians  who  treated  them  so  well.  All 
through  that  period  the  sick  and  wounded  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  were  brought  to  them  for  cure;  and 
they  had  such  success  that  nothing  else  was  talked  of 
by  the  adjacent  tribes  but  the  astonishing  power  of 
these  pale-faced  strangers.  At  first  only  Castillo  and 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  acted  as  physicians ;  but  as  time  passed, 
and  the  number  applying  for  help  increased,  Dorantes 
and  the  negro  also  commenced  to  practice — and  all  with 
equal  success;  " although,"  says  Vaca,  "in  being  vent- 
uresome and  bold  in  the  performance  of  cures,  I  greatly 
excelled."  "No  one  whom  we  treated,''  he  adds,  "but 
told  us  he  was  left  well ;  and  so  great  was  the  confidence 
that  they  would  become  healed  if  we  administered  to 
them,  that  they  even  believed  that  whilst  we  remained 
none  of  them  could  die  "  The  Indians  not  only  treated 
them  well,  but  showed  great  appreciation  of  their  char- 
acter as  their  benefactors :  "  Thus,"  says  the  narrative, 
"when  the  Cuthalchuches  (who  were  in  company  with 
our  Indians)  were  about  to  return  to  their  own  country, 
they  left  us  all  the  prickly-pears  they  had  —  without 
keeping  one;  they  gave  us  flints  of  very  high  value 
there,  a  palm  and  a  half  in  length,  with  which  they 
cut.  They  begged  that  we  would  always  remember 
them,  and  pray  to  God  that  they  might  always  be  well  ; 
and  we  promised  to  do  so.  They  left  the  most  satisfied 
beings  in  the  world — having  given  us  the  best  of  all 
they  had." 

For  eight  months  they  stayed  among  these  people; 
and  then,  as  the  prickly-pears  began  to  ripen,  they  stole 
away  (as  that  was  the  only  means  by  which  they  could 
pursue  their  journey)  to  another  tribe,  called  Malia- 


74  CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

cones ;  and  thence  to  the  Arbadaos,  a  people  very  weak 
and  lank— probably  for  lack  of  food.  "Among  them," 
says  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  "we  underwent  greater  hunger 
than  with  the  others ;  we  ate  daily  not  more  than  two 
handfuls  of  prickly- pears,  which  were  green,  and  so 
milky  they  burned  our  mouths.  In  our  extreme  want 
we  bought  two  dogs,  giving  in  exchange  some  nets 
(with  other  things),  and  a  skin  with  which  I  used  to 
cover  myself.  I  have  already  stated  that  throughout 
all  this  country  we  went  naked ;  and  as  we  were  unac- 
customed to  being  so,  twice  a  year  we  cast  our  skins, 
like  serpents.  Sometimes  the  Indians  would  set  me  to 
scraping  and  softening  skins;  and  the  days  of  my 
greatest  prosperity  there  were  those  in  which  they 
gave  me  skins  to  dress.  I  would  scrape  them  a  very 
great  deal,  and  eat  the  scraps ;  which  would  sustain  me 
two  or  three  days.  When  it  happened,  among  these 
people  (as  it  had  likewise  among  others  whom  we  left 
behind),  that  a  piece  of  meat  was  given  us,  we  ate  it 
raw;  for  if  we  had  put  it  to  roast,  the  first  native  that 
should  come  along  would  have  taken  it  off  and  devoured 
it — and  it  appeared  to  us  not  well  to  expose  it  to  this 
risk ;  besides,  we  were  in  such  condition  it  would  have 
given  us  pain  to  eat  it  roasted,  and  we  could  not  have 
digested  it  so  well  as  raw.  Such  was  the  life  we  spent 
there,  and  the  meagre  subsistence  we  earned  by  the 
matters  of  traffic,  which  were  the  work  of  our  own 
hands." 

After  eating  the  dogs  the  Spaniards  felt  refreshed, 
and  continued  their  journey,  and  at  night  came  to  a 
village  of  fifty  dwellings.  The  inhabitants  probably 
never  had  heard  of  white  men,  as  they  were  greatly 
amazed  at  their  appearance,  showing  at  first  much  fear. 
In  the  morning  the  Indians  brought  their  sick,  on 
whom  they  prayed  for  a  blessing.  Here  the  Spaniards 
stayed  some  days ;  and  when  they  stated  that  they  must 
leave,  the  whole  town  was  in  tears  at  their  departure, 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  75 

begging  them  to  remain.  They  went  forward,  however, 
and  were  received  by  the  next  tribe  with  equal  hospi- 
tality. Here  for  the  first  time  they  saw  the  Mesquit, 
and  ate  of  its  fruit,  and  of  flour  made  from  it.  Though 
these  people  arranged  a  special  festival  in  honor  of  the 
travellers,  they  did  not  tarry,  but  passed  on ;  and  after 
crossing  a  river  as  wide  as  the  Guadalquiver,  arrived  at 
a  large  Indian  town  of  a  full  hundred  habitations.  Here 
the  fame  of  the  strangers  had  preceded  them,  and  the 
people  came  out  to  receive  them,  making  a  barbarous 
kind  of  music  with  their  voices  and  hands,  and  carrying 
gourds  with  pebbles  in  them,  which  were  used  solely  on 
important  occasions ;  because,  as  the  gourd  did  not  grow 
in  their  country,  but  was  only  found  when  brought 
down  the  river  occasionally  in  times  of  floods,  they  con- 
sidered it  peculiarly  sacred,  and  as  coming  direct  from 
heaven.  Having  heard  of  the  wonderful  cures  effected 
by  the  pale-faces,  the  people  pressed  upon  them  in 
crowds,  each  trying  to  be  foremost  in  touching  them  in 
order  to  receive  some  of  the  miraculous  virtue,  so  that 
the  Spaniards  were  in  danger  of  their  lives  and  had  to 
retire  into  a  house.  All  night  long  the  natives  danced 
and  sang  in  honor  of  the  occasion,  and  the  next  morn- 
ing the  whole  town  came  to  be  touched  and  blessed,  as 
they  had  heard  had  been  done  in  other  places,  and  made 
presents  to  the  Indians*  who  had  guided  the  Spaniards 
from  the  last  town.  This  latter  custom 'was  continued 
from  place  to  place  in  an  increasing  degree.  Those  that 
accompanied  the  party  from  the  town  just  mentioned  to 
the  next,  took  from  each  person  who  came  to  be  cured 
his  bow  and  arrows,  and  any  ornaments  which  he  might 
wear,  apparently  as  payment  for  having  brought  the 
wonderful  physicians ;  and  the  sick  men  were  so  full  of 
rejoicing  over  what  they  considered  a  certainty  of  cure 
that  they  cheerfully  yielded  all  that  they  had.  The 
people  of  that  town,  when  they  in  their  turn  conducted 
thorn  to  still  another,  were  even  more  grasping,  entering 


76  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

the  houses  and  carrying  off  whatever  suited  their  fancy  ; 
but  when  the  Spaniards  showed  sorrow  and  displeasure 
at  this,  the  people  who  were  thus  despoiled  assured 
them  that  they  need  not  be  grieved,  as  they  were  so 
gratified  at  their  coming  that  they  considered  the 
payment  by  their  property  but  a  small  equivalent ;  and 
besides  (and  this  was  perhaps  the  real  reason  of  their 
complacency),  that  as  the  Spaniards  went  on,  they  in 
their  turn  would  be  well  rewarded  by  those  in  advance, 
who  were  very  rich. 

About  this  time  the  four  travellers  first  came  in  sight 
of  some  mountains,  all  the  country  heretofore  having 
been  a  level  plain.  These  were  undoubtedly  the  San 
Saba  Mountains  of  modern  atlases,  though  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  in  describing  them  gives  a  good  illustration  of  the 
indefinite  ideas  of  geography  then  existing  in  America, 
by  saying  that .  "  they  appear  to  come  in  succession  from 
the  North  Sea,"  or  Atlantic.  They  were  guided  towards 
them  by  Indians,  who  took  them  to  the  villages  of  their 
kindred,  because  they  did  not  wish  their  enemies  to 
enjoy  so  great  a  privilege  as  the  presence  of  the  wonder- 
working strangers;  but  who,  nevertheless,  did  not  forget 
to  plunder  the  towns  visited  as  a  kind  of  reward.  At 
length  this  custom  became  so  well  known  that  at  any 
place  that  they  approached  the  people  would  hide  a 
portion  of  their  goods.  Sometimes  they  made  voluntary 
presents  to  the  Spaniards,  but  the  latter  always  dis- 
tributed them  among  the  natives  who  were  bearing 
them  company,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  national 
custom.  At  this  point  they  followed  up  the  course  of  a 
riv^er  for  a  considerable  distance,  being  desirous  to  seek 
the  interior,  where  they  found  uniform  kindness  and 
hospitality,  rather  than  trust  themselves  again  with  the 
tribes  near  the  coast,  who  were  more  violent  and  had 
proved  cruel  task-masters. 

Once  when  the  Spaniards  had  preferred  to  follow 
their  own  ideas  of  the  proper  route,  rather  than  the 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  77 

suggestion  of  the  accompanying  people,  the  latter  left 
them  and  the  little  company  of  adventurers  journeyed 
on  alone  ;  and  on  arriving  at  a  village  found  every  one 
in  sorrow,  because  news  had  come  that  wheresoever  the 
Spaniards  came  the  town  was  pillaged  by  their  escort. 
When  they  saw  that  the  party  was  unaccompanied,  they 
gained  courage,  and  gavo  them  prickly-pears  to  eat. 
But  their  sense  of  security  was  short-lived,  for  at  dawn 
a  lot  of  Indians  from  the  preceding  town  suddenly 
broke  open  their  houses  and  plundered  them  of  almost 
everything.  As  consolation  the  marauders  told  them 
that  the  Spaniards  were  the  children  of  the  Sun,  having 
power  to  cure  or  to  destroy,  to  cause  to  live  or  die.  They 
advised  them  to  do  everything  to  make  the  strangers 
satisfied,  and  to  show  them  the  highest  respect;  not  to 
mind  what  they  lost  in  doing  this,  but  to  conduct  the 
Spaniards  to  places  where  the  people  were  numerous, 
and  then  to  pillage  the  town,  as  that  was  the  custom. 
The  hearers  were  apt  pupils,  and  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  his  party  were  ready  to  move,  they  accompanied 
them,  repeating  what  they  had  been  told  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  adding  much  more  ;  for  "  these  people,"  says 
the  chronicler,  "  are  all  very  fond  of  romance,  and  are 
great  liars,  particularly  when  it  is  to  their  interest." 
On  the  journey  two  native  physicians  presented  them 
with  two  gourds,  which  the  Spaniards  thereafter  carried, 
thus  increasing  the  estimation  in  which  the  people  held 
them.  Here  they  reached  the  base  of  the  range  of  hills, 
and  proceeded  almost  directly  inland  for  fifty  leagues, 
when  they  came  to  a  village,  where,  among  the  articles 
presented  to  them,  was  a  hawk-bell  of  copper,  thick  ani 
large,  and  figured  with  a  face,  which  the  natives  vad 
greatly  prized,  and  brought  as  their  choicast  onV'ng. 
On  inquiry  they  said  that  it  had  come  from  the  north, 
where  there  was  much  of  that  metal,  but  they  had  only 
received  this  one  piece  from  a  neighboring  tribe.  The 
next  day  the  travellers  passed  over  a  ridge  seven  leagues 


78  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

in  extent,  and  in  the  evening  came  to  a  beautiful  river, 
on  which  was  a  village,  where  they  stopped.  Here  the 
people  as  usual  were  profuse  with  their  gifts,  presenting, 
among  other  things,  little  bags  of  Marquesite  and  pul- 
verized galena,  with  which  they  rub  the  face.  Here 
also  the  Spaniards  first  found  Pinons,  which  Cabeza 
describes  by  saying  that  "  in  that  country  are  small  pine 
trees,  the  cones  like  little  eggs ;  but  the  seed  is  better 
than  that  of  Castilla,  as  its  husk  is  very  thin,  and  while 
green,  is  beat  and  made  into  balls,  to  be  thus  eaten.  If 
the  seed  be  dry,  it  is  pounded  in  the  husk,  and  consumed 
in  the  form  of  flour."  At  this  time  Vaca  performed 
a  very  notable  cure,  removing  from  a  man's  breast,  close 
to  the  heart,  a  large  arrow-head,  which  for  many  years 
had  been  imbedded  there.  "From  there,"  says  the 
chronicler,  "  we  travelled  through  so  many  sorts  of  peo- 
ple, of  such  diverse  languages,  that  memory  fails  to  re- 
call them.  They  ever  plundered  each  other,  and  those 
that  lost,  like  those  that  gained,  were  fully  content. 
We  drew  so  many  followers  that  we  had  not  use  for 
their  services.  Whatever  they  either  killed  or  found, 
was  put  before  us,  without  themselves  daring  to  take 
anything  until  we  had  blessed  it,  though  they  should  be 
expiring  of  hunger,  they  having  so  established  the  rule 
since  marching  with  us.  Frequently  we  were  accom- 
panied by  three  or  four  thousand  people,  and  as  we  had 
to  breathe  upon  and  sanctify  the  food  and  drink  for  each, 
and  grant  permission  to  do  the  many  things  they  would 
come  to  ask,  it  may  be  seen  how  great  was  the  annoy- 
ance." 

The  party  now  arrived  at  a  "  great  river  coming  from 
the  north,"  and  after  proceeding  thirty  leagues  over  a 
level  section,  met  a  number  of  persons  who  had  come  out 
of  their  town  to  receive  them,  and  who  welcomed  them 
most  hospitably  to  their  homes.  These  obliging  hosts 
also  guided  them  on  their  way  more  than  fifty  leagues, 
over  rough  mountains  devoid  of  water  or  any  kind  of 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  79 

food,  where  the  party  suffered  much  with  hunger  ;  but 
having  accomplished  that  distance,  their  eyes  were  glad- 
dened by  the  sight  of  a  very  large  river,  the  water  of 
which  was  breast  high.  (The  "great  river  coming  from 
the  north"  was  almost  without  a  doubt  the  Pecos,  arid 
the  "very  large  river"  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  now 
better  known  as  the  Rio  Grande.)  Proceeding  westerly 
they  stopped  at  a  plain  at  the  base  of  the  mountains, 
where  they  found  a  considerable  population,  who  gave 
them  so  many  goods  that  half  of  them  had  to  be  left  for 
lack  of  means  to  carry  them.  Vaca  told  the  Indians  to 
take  back  the  goods  which  were  left,  or  they  would  soon 
be  spoiled;  but  they  answered  that  "that  was  not  pos- 
sible, as  it  was  not  their  custom  after  they  had  bestowed 
a  thing  to  take  it  back."  It  is  evident  that  the 
phrase  "Indian  giver"  did  not  originate  with  this  par- 
ticular tribe  of  natives,  whose  customs  were  so  thoroughly 
based  on  an  opposite  principle.  The  party  remained 
here  some  days,  first  letting  the  natives  know  that 
they  wished  to  reach  the  land  of  the  setting  sun.  To 
this  the  Indians  replied  that  the  inhabitants  in  that  di- 
rection were  remote,  and  were  hereditary  enemies  of 
their  own  tribe.  Cabeza  then  asked  them  to  conduct 
the  party  to  the  north,  but  of  this  journey  they  gave 
an  even  more  discouraging  account,  saying  that  there 
were  neither  people,  nor  food,  nor  water  in  that  direc- 
tion. The  Spaniards,  however,  insisted  on  that  course, 
and  when  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  still  objected  to 
going  with  them,  Vaca  became  offended  and  went  to 
sleep  in  the  woods  away  from  the  houses,  which  so  dis- 
tressed the  natives  that  they  went  where  he  was  and 
remained  all  night,  begging  him  to  forgive  them  and 
be  no  longer  angry,  and  saying  that  they  would  go 
whithersoever  he  desired,  even  though  they  were  sure 
they  should  die  on  the  way.  The  terror  which  this 
display  of  displeasure  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  oc- 
casioned was  greatly  heightened  by  the  strange  coinci- 


80  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

dence  that  on  the  next  day  many  of  the  Indians  became 
ill  and  some  of  them  died.  "  Wheresoever  this  became 
known,"  says  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  "  there  was  great  dread, 
and  it  seemed  as  if  the  inhabitants  would  die  of  fear  at 
sight  of  us.  They  besought  us  not  to  remain  angered, 
nor  require  that  more  of  them  should  die.  They  be- 
lieved we  caused  their  death  by  only  willing  it,  when 
in  troth  it  gave  us  so  much  pain  that  it  could  not  be 
greater;  for  beyond  their  loss,  we  feared  they  might  all 
die,  or  abandon  us  from  fright,  and  that  other  people 
thenceforward  would  do  the  same,  seeing  what  had  come 
to  these.  We  prayed  to  Glod  our  Lord  to  relieve  them, 
and  from  that  time  the  sick  began  to  get  better." 

After  remaining  here  over  a  fortnight  the  travellers 
again  proceeded  on  their  long  journey,  a  number  of 
women  acting  as  guides,  as  that  was  the  only  possible 
course  when  the  tribe  to  be  met  was  hostile  to  that  just 
left.  After  marching  three  days,  Castillo,  with  Este- 
vanico,  the  African,  set  off  on  an  expedition  with  two 
women  as  guides,  one  being  a  captive  from  the  country 
they  were  approaching.  The  latter  led  them  to  the 
river  that  ran  between  some  ridges  where  there  was  a 
town  in  which  her  family  lived,  and  there  it  was,  to  use 
the  language  of  the  narrator,  that  "  habitations  were 
first  seen  having  the  appearance  and  structure  of  houses." 
Castillo  in  his  report  described  them  as  "  fixed  dwell- 
ings of  civilization;"  and  in  speaking  of  their  next 
journey,  Vaca  uses  the  term  "settled  habitations." 
The  party  *was  certainly  then  in  New  Mexico,  though 
in  what  exact  spot  it  is  impossible  now  to  say,  but  their 
description  £eems  to  point  very  distinctly  to  some  of  the 
Pueblo  towns.  The  points  that  would  specially  strike 
a  man  who  had  lived  so  long  a\vay  from  civilization,  and 
where  a  tent  is  the  most  pretentious  dwelling,  would 
naturally  be  those  of  permanence  and  stability,  and  of 
resemblance  to  the  solid  houses  of  European  communities , 
and  these  are  precisely  the  ones  to  which  the  narrators 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  81 

allude.  The  inhabitants  of  these  towns,  of  which  the 
Spaniards  visited  several,  are  described  as  the  "  finest 
persons  of  any  we  saw,  of  the  greatest  activity  and 
strength,  who  best  understood  us  and  most  intelligently 
answered  our  inquiries."  "We  called  them,"  says  Vaca, 
u  '  the  cow  nation '  because  most  of  the  cattle  killed  are 
slaughtered  in  their  neighborhood,  and  along  that  river 
upwards  for  fifty  leagues  they  -destroy  great  numbers.1' 
The  country  was  found  to  be  very  populous,  and  the 
inhabitants  lived  on  beans,  pumpkins,  and  corn,  al- 
though at  that  time  the  latter  was  scarce  on  account  of 
drought.  The  people  did  not  understand  the  language 
of  the  Indians  who  had  accompanied  the  Spaniards,  and 
seemed  to  be  different  in  many  ways.  After  stopping 
a  few  days  the  Christians  told  them  that  they  must  go 
on  toward  the  setting  sun,  and  enquired  concerning  the 
best  route.  The  Indians  replied  that  the  only  fea- 
sible path  was  to  follow  the  great  river  they  were  on  up- 
ward to  the  north,  for  if  they  went  more  directly  to  the 
west,  they  would  have  a  long  journey  across  a  desert, 
where  there  was  nothing  to  eat  except  a  fruit  called  by 
the  natives  "chacan,"  which,  even  when  ground  between 
stones,  could  scarcely  be  used  as  an  article  of  food  on  ac- 
count of  its  dryness  and  pungency.  Along  the  river,  on 
the  contrary,  there  was  a  continuous  population;  and 
though  they  had  few  provisions,  yet  they  would  receive 
the  strangers  with  the  best  of  good-will  and  hospitality. 
The  Spaniards,  however,  disliked  to  add  anything  un- 
necessary to  the  length  of  the  journey  required  to  bring 
them  to  some  of  their  own  nationality,  and  determined 
to  brave  the  dangers  and  sufferings  of  the  desert  route. 
They  found  it  as  represented,  and  indeed  were  not  able 
to  swallow  the  chacan  fruit  at  all,  but  had  to  subsist 
on  a  handful  of  deer  suet  each  day,  this  being  the  most 
concentrated  form  of  nutriment  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
could  devise,  and  he  having  devoted  much  time  to  its 
collection  for  the  purpose 


82  CABEZA    DE    VACA. 

The  route  here  is  obscurely  recorded,  as  it  appears 
they  did  proceed  up  the  river  for  seventeen  days,  and 
then,  after  crossing,  a  further  journey  of  seventeen  days 
brought  the  travellers  to  a  land  of  plenty  again,  where 
were  large  supplies  of  flour,  grain,  beans,  and  pump- 
kins ;  but  before  reaching  this,  they  had  passed  through 
a  section  where  during  four  months  of  the  year  the  peo- 
ple lived  on  nothing  but  the  powder  of  straw,  and  their 
journey  happening  to  come  exactly  at  that  time,  they 
were  compelled  to  accept  the  same  scanty  diet.  It  may 
be  added  that  on  the  journey  they  were  presented  with 
lt  coverings  of  cowhide,"  meaning  buffalo-hides,  in  con- 
siderable numbers.  The  land  of  plenty,  when  reached, 
was  one  where  the  natives  had  permanent  structures 
for  houses,  some  of  earth,  and  some  of  cane  mats. 
Through  this  good  land  they  travelled  by  their  own 
computation  (which  is  almost  always  exaggerated) 
over  100  leagues,  finding  everywhere  settled  habita- 
tions, and  plenty  of  corn  and  beans.  The  people  gave 
them  "  cotton  shawls,  better  than  those  of  New  Spain, 
many  beads,  and  certain  corals  found  on  the  South  Sea, 
and  fine  turquoises  that  came  from  the  North."  "In- 
deed they  gave  us,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  everything 
they  had.  To  me  they  gave  five  emeralds,  made  into 
arrow-heads,  which  they  use  at  their  singing  and  danc- 
ing. They  appeared  to  be  very  precious.  I  asked 
whence  they  got  these,  and  they  said  the  stones  were 
brought  from  some  lofty  mountains  that  stand  towards 
the  north,  where  were  populous  towns  and  very  large 
houses,  and  that  they  were  purchased  with  plumes  and 
feathers  of  parrots."  The  "  populous  towns  and  very 
large  houses"  undoubtedly  referred  to  the  greater 
pueblos  to  the  north.  Here  for  the  first  time  the  Span- 
iards saw  the  use  of  the  "  Soap-weed  "  (Yucca  filamen- 
tosa,  called  also  Spanish  Bayonet  and  Amole)  for  cleans- 
ing purposes,  and  found  a  people  who  habitually  used 
coverings  for  the  feet,  like  shoes  or  moccasins.  "  These 


CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

Indians, "  continues  the  narrative,  "  ever  accompanied 
us  until  they  delivered  us  to  others,  and  all  held  full 
faith  in  our  coming  from  heaven.  While  travelling  we 
went  without  food  all  day  until  night,  and  we  ate  so  little 
as  to  astonish  them.  We  never  felt  exhaustion,  neither 
were  we  in  fact  at  all  weary,  so  inured  were  we  to  hard- 
ship. We  possessed  great  influence  and  authority ;  to 
preserve  both  we  seldom  talked  with  them.  The  negro 
was  in  constant  conversation ;  he  informed  himself 
about  the  ways  we  wished  to  take,  of  the  towns  there 
were,  and  the  matters  we  desired  to  know.  We  passed 
through  many  and  dissimilar  tongues.  Our  Lord 
granted  us  favor  with  the  people  who  spoke  them,  for 
they  always  understood  us,  and  we  them.  We  ques- 
tioned them  and  received  their  answers  by  signs,  just  as 
if  they  spoke  our  language  and  we  theirs ;  for  although 
we  knew  six  languages,  we  could  not  everywhere  avail 
ourselves  of  them,  there  being  a  thousand  differences. 
Throughout  all  these  countries  the  people  who  were  at 
war  immediately  made  friends,  that  they  might  come 
to  meet  us,  and  bring  what  they  possessed.  In  this  way 
we  left  all  the  land  at  peace,  and  we  taught  all  the  in- 
habitants by  signs  which  they  understood,  that  in 
heaven  was  a  man  we  called  God,  who  had  created  the 
sky  and  the  earth  ;  him  we  worshiped  and  had  for  our 
Master;  that  we  did  what  he  commanded,  and  from  his 
hand  came  all  good  ;*  and  would  they  do  as  we  did,  all 
would  be  well  with  them.  They  are  a  people  of  good 
condition  and  substance,  capable  in  any  pursuit." 

Proceeding  onward,  always  to  the  west,  and  through 
a  town  which  they  named  the  Town  of  Hearts  (Pueblo 
•de  los  Corazones),  they  came  to  a  village,  where  the  in- 
cessant rain  detained  them  for  a  fortnight ;  and  during 
that  time  at  length  saw  the  first  signs  which  gave  token 
of  an  approach  to  the  European  settlements  which  they 
had  so  long  been  seeking.  Hung  to  the  neck  of  an  In- 
dian, Castillo  saw  the  buckle  of  a  sword-belt,  and  at- 


84  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

tached  to  it  the  nail  of  a  horse  shoe.  While  small 
things  in  themselves,  to  the  Spaniard  these  spoke  vol- 
umes, for  they  were  sure  signs  of  some  communication 
with  a  civilized  and  Christian  people.  Eagerly  he  in- 
quired of  the  owner  whence  they  had  come,  and  was: 
told  that  they  had  come  from  heaven.  He  asked  how, 
and  who  had  brought  them,  and  then  came  the  answer 
they  were  so  earnestly  waiting  for,  that  a  number  of 
men  with  beards  like  the  Spaniards  had  come  from 
heaven  to  the  river  near  by,  bringing  horses,  lances> 
and  swords,  and  that  they  had  lanced  two  Indians, 
"What  had  become  of  these  men,"  asked  the  travellers, 
endeavoring  to  suppress  any  signs  of  their  intense  in- 
terest. The  answer  was  that  "they  had  gone  to  sear 
putting  their  lances  beneath  the  watei,  and  going  them- 
selves under  the  water ;  afterwards  they  were  seen  on 
the  surface  of  the  water  going  towards  the  setting  sun.'r 
Never  were  men  more  rejoiced  than  the  Spaniards,  at 
the  news  which  showed  that  the  colonies  of  their 
countrymen  were  hear  at  hand. 

From  this  point  information  regarding  Europeans, 
and  signs  of  their  recent  presence,  increased  at  every 
step.  Unfortunately,  too  much  of  this  was  of  an  un- 
favorable and  shameful  character.  Everywhere  the 
new-comers  had  made  themselves  feared  and  hated,  and 
not  loved.  Wherever  they  had  been  they  had  killed,, 
abused,  or  enslaved  the  natives.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  in 
pressing  westward  told  the  natives  that  he  was  going  in 
search  of  these  people  to  tell  them  no  more  to  kill  or 
enslave  them,  nor  despoil  their  houses  and  lands,  nor 
do  other  injustices;  and  at  this  the  poor  natives  greatly 
rejoiced.  Passing  on,  they  found  whole  territories 
depopulated  because  the  inhabitants  had  fled  to  the 
mountains  for  fear  of  the  Spaniards.  For  two  years 
they  had  planted  no  corn,  because  whatever  they  raised 
was  stolen  by  the  marauding  parties  of  the  Europeans. 
They  had  abandoned  their  houses,  which  were  found 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  85 

going  into  decay;  and  although  the  land  was  of  great 
fertility  and  well  watered,  they  were  wretchedly  sub- 
sisting on  roots  and  the  bark  of  trees.  To  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  and  his  companions,  whom  they  never  associated 
in  any  way  with  these  Spanish  oppressors  from  the 
west,  they  cheerfully  brought  the  few  things  which 
they  had  saved  by  concealment ;  at  the  same  time  tell- 
ing them  of  the  forays  of  their  bearded  enemies,  who 
had  carried  off  half  the  men  and  all  the  women  and 
boys  from  the  valleys  into  slavery,  only  those  remain- 
ing who  had  escaped  to  the  mountains.  Contrasting 
the  generous  confidence  with  which  his  own  party  was 
received,  and  the  high  respect  and  veneration  paid  to 
them,  though  they  were  impoverished,  naked,  and  half 
starved,  with  the  fear  and  hatred  which  the  outrages 
and  oppression  of  the  Spaniards  of  Sinoloa  had  inspired, 
the  chronicler  well  says  in  his  report  to  the  emperor : 
"  Thence  it  may  at  once  be  seen,  that  to  bring  all  these 
people  to  be  Christians,  and  to  the  obedience  of  the  Im- 
perial Majesty,  they  must  be  won  by  kindness,  which 
is  a  way  certain,  and  no  other  is." 

Trying  to  collect  the  natives,  as  usual,  for  a  confer- 
ence, the  messengers  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  returned,  saying 
that  it  was  impossible,  as  some  of  the  people  had  seen 
the  Christians  from  behind  trees  the  night  before,  and 
so  all  were  fleeing  to  the  mountains ;  especially,  as  they 
had  seen  slaves  in  chains  with  the  Spanish  party.  The 
truth  of  this  was  soon  evident ;  as  the  travellers  reached 
a  point  where  the  Christians  had  encamped  at  night, 
the  stakes  showed  that  they  were  horsemen.  Vaca  cal- 
culated that  the  distance  from  this  point  to  the  town 
where  they  first  saw  the  buckle  and  nail  was  ninety-two 
leagues;  the  river,  where  the  Spaniards  had  first  been 
seen  by  the  natives,  being  about  twelve  leagues  west  of 
that  village.  As  the  Spanish  marauding  party  had  now 
been  passed,  and  Vaca  feared  that  they  were  killing  and 
enslaving  the  kind  and  hospitable  people  through  whose 


86  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

country  he  had  just  come,  he  turned  back,  with  Estev- 
anico  and  eleven  Indians,  to  seek  them;  and  followed 
their  trail  ten  leagues,  and  finally  the  next  day  overtook 
four  of  them  on  horseback.  What  a  strange  meeting! 
Men  born  in  the  same  land,  across  the  Atlantic,  meeting 
in  an  Indian  territory  close  to  the  Pacific;  one  party, 
after  journeying  for  seven  years  across  a  continent,  en- 
during all  kinds  of  hardships,  emaciated,  and  having 
almost  lost  the  semblance  of  European  civilization;  the 
others  coming  from  the  opposite  direction,  well  armed, 
and  on  horseback,  seeking  conquests  and  riches.  "  They 
were  astonished  at  sight  of  me,"  says  Cabeza  de  Vaca; 
"  so  confounded  that  they  neither  hailed  me  nor  drew 
near  to  make  an  inquiry.  I  bade  them  take  me  to  their 
chief;  accordingly,  we  went  together  half  a  league  to 
the  place  where  was  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  their  captain." 
After  his  surprise  at  seeing  Vaca  had  subsided,  Al- 
caraz told  him  that  he  was  completely  discouraged ;  that 
for  a  long  time  he  had  not  been  able  to  capture  any  In- 
dians; and  that  his  men  were  worn  out  and  discontented 
from  hunger  and  fatigue.  Vaca  then  told  him  that  his 
companions,  Castillo  and  Dorantes,  were  but  ten  miles 
off  with  a  multitude  of  friendly  Indians,  and  desired 
that  they  should  be  sent  for ;  which  was  quickly  done, 
three  horsemen  being  swiftly  despatched,  with  Estev- 
anico  as  a  guide.  Five  days  afterwards  they  returned 
with  Castillo  and  Dorantes,  and  more  than  600  Indians ; 
many  of  whom  were  those  who  had  fled  from  Alcaraz, 
but  who  gladly  showed  their  .confidence  in  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  and  his  companions.  Alcaraz  begged  that  they 
would  ask  the  Indians  to  bring  food ;  and  this  they  cheer- 
fully did  at  the  request  of  Vaca — bringing  pots  full  of 
corn,  which  they  had  hidden  in  the  ground,  and  Vaca 
distributed  it  to  the  Spanish  troops.  But  no  sooner  had 
the  latter  satisfied  their  hunger  than  they  forgot  all 
sense  of  obligation,  and  wished  to  capture  the  Indians 
and  make  slaves  of  them.  This  outrage  Cabeza  de  Vaca 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  87 

and  his  companions  opposed  vigorously,  and  finally  suc- 
ceeded, after  many  high  words,  in  preventing  it;  and 
persuaded  the  Indians,  by  promises  of  future  good  treat- 
ment, to  return  to  their  houses  and  fields. 

The  confidence  which  the  natives  showed  in  these 
wanderers,  in  contrast  to  the  hatred  and  fear  for  the 
Mexican  Spaniards,  caused  a  strange  feeling  of  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  the  latter;  and  calling  an  interpreter,  they 
told  the  Indians  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  friends 
were  of  the  same  people  as  themselves,  only  they  had 
been  lost  a  long  time;  that  they,  themselves  were  the 
lords  of  the  land  who  must  be  obeyed  and  served,  while 
the  wanderers  were  persons  of  mean  condition  and 
small  importance.  But  the  Indians  were  not  to  be  in- 
fluenced by  any  such  talk,  and  conversing  among  them- 
selves said,  as  the  narrative  of  Vaca  tells  us,  "  that 
the  Spaniards  lied,  for  we  came  from  the  land  where 
the  sun  rises,  while  the  others  came  from  the  land  where 
the  sun  sets ;  we  healed  the  sick,  they  killed  the  sound; 
that  we  had  come  naked  and  barefooted,  while  they 
had  arrived  in  clothing  and  on  horses,  with  lances;  that 
we  were  not  covetous  of  anything,  but  all  that  was 
given  us  we  directly  turned  to  give,  retaining  nothing ; 
that  the  others  had  no  other  purpose  than  to  rob  whom- 
soever they  found,  bestowing  nothing  on  any  one.  Even 
to  the  last  I  could  not  convince  the  Indians  that  we 
were  of  the  Christians,  and  only  with  great  effort  and 
solicitation  we  got  them  to  go  back  to  their  residences. 
We  ordered  them  to  put  away  apprehensions,  establish 
their  towns  and  cultivate  the  soil.  The  Indians  at 
taking  their  leave  told  us  they  would  do  what  we  com- 
manded, and  would  build  their  towns,  if  the  Christians 
would  suffer  them ;  and  this  I  say  and  affirm  most 
positively,  that  if  they  have  not  done  so,  it  is  the 
fault  of  the  Christians."  So  early  could  an  experienced 
traveler  and  military  officer,  with  no  natural  predilec- 
tion in  favor  of  the  Indians,  state  in  one  brief  and  terse 


88  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

sentence  the  fact  so  often  repeated  since,  of  the  original 
cause  of  the  great  majority  of  difficulties  between  the 
Europeans  and  the  native  possessors  of  the  land. 

Dismissing  now  their  Indian  escort,  the  four  travel- 
lers hastened  on  to  the  habitations  of  their  own  people ; 
and  when  three  leagues  from  Culiacan,  were  met  by  the 
Alcalde  of  that  town,  Don  Melchior  Diaz,  who  was  also 
Captain  of  the  Province,  and  who  had  heard  of  their  ap- 
proach. He  wept  at  sight  of  them,  and  gave  praise  to 
God  who  had  preserved  them  through  such  great  dan- 
gers. On  behalf  of  the  Governor,  Nuno  de  Guzman,  as 
well  as  himself  he  tendered  all  the  hospitality  and  service 
in  his  power.  The  travellers  wished  to  lose  no  time  in 
journeying  towards  Mexico,  but  the  Alcalde  begged 
them  to  remain  long  enough  to  give  confidence  to  the 
Indians  and  induce  them  again  to  inhabit  the  fruitful 
valleys  which  were  now  going  to  waste.  This  was  no 
easy  task,  as  Alcaraz  immediately  after  the  departure  of 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  recommenced  his  outrages  upon 
the  natives;  but  finally  through  the  influence  of  those 
to  whom  they  looked  up  with  so  much  reverence  and 
respect  they  were  brought  in.  Many  of  them  were 
baptized,  and  the  Captain  of  the  Province,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  them  all,  made  a  covenant  with  God  no  more  to 
invade,  or  consent  to  invasion,  nor  to  enslave  any  of 
the  people.  Having  accomplished  this  double  benefit 
to  both  Spaniards  and  Indians,  the  four  companions 
proceeded  on  their  way,  arriving  at  the  town  of  San 
Miguel  on  April  1,  1536,  and  on  July  25  at  the  City 
of  Mexico,  where  they  were  welcomed  with  great  re- 
joicing, and  entertained  most  handsomely  by  the  Viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  and  by  Cortez,  who  now  bore  the  title  of 
Marquis  of  the  Valley.  From  thence,  by  reason  of 
storms  and  the  dangers  of  enemies  on  the  sea  in  the 
war  then  raging,  they  were  over  a  year  in  reaching 
Europe,  finally  landing  at  Lisbon  on  the  8th  of  Au- 
gust, 1537,  more  than  ten  years  after  they  had  left  San 


CABEZA   DE   VACA.  89 

Lucar,   in  high  hopes    of   conquering    an   empire    in 
Florida. 

Thus  ended  the  expedition  begun  with  intent  to  find 
another  El  Dorado,  similar  to  those  of  the  Monte zumas 
and  the  Incas,  and  which,  though  doomed  to  disaster 
from  its  very  inception,  and  utterly  unsuccessful  in  ac- 
complishing its  design,  yet  lives  in  history  through  the 
sufferings  and  endurance  of  the  four  men  who  were  the 
first  to  cross  the  continent  north  of  the  comparatively 
narrow  domains  of  Mexico.  By  the  people  of  New 
Mexico  the  name  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  will  ever  be  held  in 
special  remembrance  as  that  of  the  first  European  who 
ever  passed  through  her  territory.  While  some  parts 
of  his  narrative  are  obscure,  and  in  the  absence  of  names 
that  can  be  identified  with  any  of  those  of  more  modern 
days,  or  even  with  those  preserved  by  subsequent  travel- 
lers among  the  Spaniards,  it  is  difficult  always  to  deter- 
mine localities  with  entire  certainty,  yet  we  are  enabled 
with  a  little  care  to  distinguish  quite  accurately  the 
general  course  of  this  most  extraordinary  journey. 

The  following  seem  to  be  the  points  of  most  inter- 
est in  this  regard:  The  bay  in  which  the  Spaniards 
first  landed  and  where  Narvaez  set  up  the  Imperial 
Ensign,  was  probably  Charlotte  Harbor,  or  some- 
where in  that  vicinity,  on  the  west  coast  of  Florida; 
and  the  large  bay  discovered  on  Easter  Monday,  and 
which  stretched  far  inland,  was  undoubtedly  Tampa 
Bay.  It  is  possible  that  the  first  landing  place  was 
one  of  the  coves  which  are  found  in  the  southerly 
part  of  the  same  bay,  as  the  distance  between  the  two 
places  was  not  great.  The  river  reached  after  fifteen 
days  travel,  and  which  was  crossed  with  difficulty  on 
account  of  its  width,  was  certainly  the  Withlacooche^e, 
as  there  is  no  other  that  answers  the  description;  and 
the  "wide  and  deep  river  with  the  rapid  current,"  where 
they  had  to  stop  and  build  a  canoe  in  order  to  cross 
and  where  Juan  Velasquez  was  drowned,  was  undoubt- 


90  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

edly  the  Suwanee.  As  thirty  days  were  occupied  in 
travelling  from  one  of  these  rivers  to  the  other,  eithei 
the  journey  must  have  been  specially  slow  and  difficult 
or  else  the  expedition  crossed  the  latter  pretty  high  up, 
probably  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Santa  Fe,  its 
eastern  branch,  as  the  narrative  makes  no  mention  of 
crossing  that  stream  separately. 

The  next  point  of  interest  is  the  town  of  Apalache; 
and  this  appears  to  have  been  situated  in  the  vicinity 
of  Tallahassee,  though  from  the  time  required  to  reach 
Aute,  it  may  have  been  further  north,  in  south-western 
Georgia,  or  near  the  locality  of  Chattahoochee.  Of  the 
town  of  Aute,  we  know  that  it  was  but  a  days'  march 
from  the  sea  and  near  a  very  large  stream,  which  the 
Spaniards  called  Magdalena.  This  may  have  been  near 
St.  Marks,  or  perhaps  the  great  river  was  the  Apalachi- 
cola,  and  Aute  may  have  been  near  the  site  of  Fort 
Gadsden.  This  seems  more  probable,  as  the  expedition 
of  twenty  men  sent  out  to  explore  the  coast  gave  a  re- 
port of  the  bay  being  large  and  the  seashore  still  dis- 
tant. Charlevoix,  however,  who  was  at  San  Marcos  de 
Apalache  (St.  Marks)  in  1722,  writes:  "This  bay  is 
precisely  that  which  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  in  his  his- 
tory of  Florida,  calls  the  port  of  Aute;"  and  an  ancient 
map,  drawn  by  no  less  an  authority  than  Sebastian 
Cabot,  shows  Apalache  Bay,  with  the  note  in  bad  Span- 
ish, "Aqui  deSan  Barco panflo  deNarnez."  (Aqui  desembarco 
Panfilo  de  Narvaez).  If  this  is  true,  then  the  Bahia  de 
Caballos  of  Narvaez  is  the  Apalache  Bay  of  the  present. 
The  village  where  the  battle  was  had  with  the  Indians* 
and  where  the  robe  of  civet-marten  was  obtained,  was 
probably  near  Pensacola ;  and  the  place  where  Teodoro, 
the  Greek,  was  abandoned,  at  the  m^nth  of  Mobile  Bay. 
But  there  is  some  authority  for  believing  that  the  lat- 
ter point  was  also  in  Pensacola  Bay,  instead  of  being 
further  west.  However  this  may  be,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  groat  river  which  emptied  such  enor- 


CABEZA    DE    VACA.  91 

mous  quantities  of  fresh  water  into  the  Gulf,  with  such  a 
swift   current,  was  the  Mississippi. 

From  this  point  it  is  more  difficult  to  trace  the  exact 
route  of  the  travellers,  as  times  and  distances  are 
wanting,  except  in  a  few  instances.  The  Island  of 
Malhado  and  Espiritu  Santo  Bay  have  been  located  by 
different  historians  in  widely  varying  localities.  Buck- 
ingham Smith,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  translation  of 
Cabeza  de  Vaca's  narrative,  places  them  as  far  east  as 
Mobile  Bay,  and  traces  the  travellers'  route  north  to  the 
Muscle  Shoals  in  the  Tennessee  River.  This,  how- 
ever, could  not  well  be,  in  connection  with  other  parts 
of  the  route.  And  in  the  edition  of  1871,  he  has 
changed  his  views  so  far  as  to  suggest  that  the  locality 
may  have  been  as  far  west  as  San  Antonio  Bay  in 
Texas.  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  in  his  "  Spanish  Conquest  of 
New  Mexico,"  expresses  the  opinion  that  Malhado  was 
one  of  the  low  islands  on  the  coast  of  Louisiana ;  and  the 
mention  of  a  tribe  called  Atayos  in  the  narrative,  who 
are  probably  identical  with  the  Adayes,  who  lived  in 
1805  about  forty  miles  from  Nachitoches,  and  the 
Hadaies,  who  years  before  were  reported  as  being  be- 
tween the  Nachitoches  and  Sabine  Rivers, — adds  plausi- 
bility to  this  view.  It  is  possible  that  the  island  may 
have  been  at  or  near  Galveston,  or  as  far  west  as  the 
beaches  or  islands  known  as  Matagorda  Beach  and  Mat- 
agorda  Island,  which  are  the  outer  protections  of  Mat- 
agorda and  San  Antonio  Bays  All  that  we  can  say 
certainly  is  that  the  Island  of  Malhado  was  one  of  the 
low  islands  so  numerous  on  the  coast  of  western  Louisi- 
ana and  Texas ;  and  rest  contented  with  that  amount  of 
knowledge.  From  here  the  course  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  his  three  companions  was  in  a  generally  north- 
westerly direction  until  the  plains  were  reached,  and 
afterwards  the  mountains  seen,  and  from  thence  gener- 
ally south-west  into  Sonora  and  Sinaloa. 

The  country    with    towns   of    " fixed    habitations" 


92  CABEZA   DE   VACA. 

undoubtedly  referred  to  the  domain  of  the  Pueblo  In- 
dians in  New  Mexico ;  and  the  great  river  coming  from 
the  north,  which  they  crossed,  was  in  all  probability  the 
Pecos.  From  there  they  were  guided  through  fifty 
leagues  of  desert,  and  over  rough  mountains  to  another 
very  great  river,  the  water  of  which  was  breast  high. 
This  was  undoubtedly  the  Rio  Grande  ;  and  it  was  here 
that  they  had  the  long  parleying  with  the  natives  as  to 
the  route  to  be  pursued,  the  latter  telling  them  of  the 
great  deserts  to  be  passed  if  they  went  directly  west- 
ward. Up  this  river  they  marched  for  thirty-four  days 
— seventeen  on  the  east  side  and  seventeen  on  the  west. 
Part  of  the  distance  was  over  plains  lying  between 
chains  of  great  mountains;  and  they  proceeded  till  they 
reached  permanent  habitations,  where  abundance  of 
corn  was  raised,  and  where  the  natives,  besides  pump- 
kins, beans,  etc.,  had  "  shawls  of  cotton."  Some  of  their 
houses  were  of  earth  and  some  of  cane  mats.  Just  how 
far  up  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  Cabeza  de  Vaca  came 
we  shall  probably  never  know  ;  but  evidently  not  further 
than  central  New  Mexico,  as  the  turquoises  which  were 
presented  to  him,  and  which  certainly  came  from  the 
great  Chalchiuitl  Mountain  in  the  Cerrillos,  twenty 
miles  south  of  Santa  Fe,  he  mentions  as  coming  "  from 
the  north."  From  the  highest  point  reached,  the  party 
seem  to  have  turned  quite  abruptly  west,  probably  as 
soon  as  they  had  passed  by  the  desert  regions  on  the 
west  of  the  river ;  and  then  inarched  for  more  than  a 
100  leagues,  continually  finding  settled  domicils,  with 
plenty  of  maize  and  beans.  It  may  be  well  conjectured 
that  this  was  along  the  line  of  the-  Puerco  and  San  Jose, 
and  among  the  numerous  pueblo  towns,  of  which  we 
have  such  full  descriptions  a  few  years  later,  in  the  time 
of  Coronado ;  although  the  route  may  have  been  further 
south.  From  this  time  the  course  of  the  travellers  was 
south-west;  until  they  reached  the  points  in  Sonora, 
where  they  neard  of  the  nearness  of  other  Christians. 


CABEZA   DE    VACA.  93 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  it  seems 
only  proper  to  add  a  few  words  as  to  the  subsequent  his- 
tory of  this  extraordinary  man — everything  in  relation 
to  whom  is  of  interest  in  connection  with  early  New 
Mexican  history :  For  three  years  after  his  arrival  in 
Spain,  and  the  presentation  of  his  "Relation"  to  the 
king,  he  appears  to  have  lived  in  comparative  seclusion ; 
recovering  slowly  from  the  terrible  exhaustion  and  after- 
effects of  his  wanderings,  privations,  and  sufferings.  At 
the  end  of  that  time  (1540),  news  came  to  Spain  of  the 
death,  by  an  Indian  ambuscade,  of  the  Commander  Ay- 
olas,  who  had  been  governor  of  a  colony  in  South  Amer- 
ica, where  the  Republic  of  Paraguay  is  now  situated. 
The  surviving  colonists  sent  urgent  entreaties  to  the 
mother  country  for  succor,  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca  was  se- 
lected to  command  the  new  expedition,  and  appointed 
as  the  governor  of  the  colony.  He  was  to  furnish  8,000 
ducats  towards  the  expenses  of  the  enterprise,  but  in 
return  was  given  the  titles  of  Governor,  Captain-Gen- 
eral, and  Adelantado,  and  entitled  to  one-twelfth  of  the 
produce  of  the  countries  he  should  conquer. 

After  many  difficulties  he  landed  at  St.  Catharine's, 
in  Brazil,  in  March,  1541 ;  and  from  there  marched  across 
an  utterly  unknown  country,  and  amid  dangers  which 
exceeded  anything,  even,  that  he  had  known  in  North 
America, — to  the  River  Parana.  Arrived  here,  he  ex- 
pected to  be  met  by  boats  to  convey  his  troops  to  Asun- 
cion ;  but  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  one  Irala,  was  an 
ambitious  man,  who  had  brought  about  the  destruction 
of  the  preceding  Governor,  and  was  in  no  way  desirous 
to  hasten  the  advent  of  his  successor — and  so  none  were 
at  hand.  With  his  indomitable  energy,  however,  Vaca 
surmounted  all  difficulties,  and  finally  arrived  at  his 
capital  on  March  11,  1542.  But  Irala  secretly  labored 
against  him,  and  finally  succeeded  in  raising  an  insur- 
rection; in  the  midst  of  which  the  Governor  was  seized, 
thrown  into  prison,  and  so  closely  confined  that  his 


94  CABEZA   DE    VACA. 

friends,  for  nearly  a  year,  thought  him  dead.  At  length, 
more  dead  than  alive,  he  was  carried  on  board  a  vessel 
and  sent  to  Spain,  with  documents  from  Irala  (now  Act- 
ing-Governor) accusing  him  of  the  gravest  crimes.  Dur- 
ing the  voyage  he  was  loaded  with  chains,  and  treated 
in  the  most  inhuman  manner;  and  on  his  arrival  in 
Spain,  in  September,  1545,  his  ill  fortune  followed  him, 
for  his  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Cuenca  (President  of  the 
Council),  was  just  dead,  and  had  been  succeeded  by  the 
stern  Bishop  of  Burgos,  the  advocate  of  Indian  slavery, 
who  was  indisposed  to  look  favorably  on  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 
His  enemies  prevailed,  and  he  was  thrown  into  prison 
to  await  his  trial ;  and  while  constantly  petitioning  to 
be  released  on  security,  remained  in  confinement  for 
more  than  six  years.  Finally,  in  March,  1551,  the  Coun- 
cilors of  the  Indies  delivered  their  judgment,  which 
was — that  he  be  stripped  of  all  the  titles  and  privileges 
he  had  enjoyed,  and  banished  for  five  years  to  Oran  in 
Africa,  there  to  serve  the  king,  at  his  own  expense, 
with  horse  and  arms,  on  penalty  of  having  the  term  of 
banishment  doubled.  It  is  doubtful  if  this  sentence 
was  in  all  respects  executed— the  history  of  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  being  clothed  in  much  obscurity. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  record  of  Charlevoix  is  cor- 
rect, which  says :  "At  last  the  Emperor  granted  him  a 
pension  of  2,000  crowns,  and  gave  him  a  place  in  the 
Royal  Audience  of  Seville,  where  he  died  at  an  advanced 
age."  Charlevoix  adds :  "  I  have,  indeed,  seen  a  memo- 
rial in  which  it  is  said  that  he  was  immediately  gratified 
with  a  seat  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies." 

Altogether  he  was  a  remarkable  man, and  though  his 
cotemporaries  differed  greatly  in  their  estimate  of  his 
character,  yet  none  could  disparage  his  courage  or  his 
power  s  of  endurance.  Some  went  so  far  in  their 
regard  for  his  reputation  as  to  credit  him  with  the 
working  of  miracles,  and  a  theological  controversy 
arose  therefrom,  as  to  the  possibility  of  the  performance 


CABEZA    DE    VACA. 


95 


of  a  miracle  by  a  layman.  We  may  all,  however,  con- 
cur in  the  closing  remarks  on  his  character  by  the 
late  Thos.  W.  Field:  "He  attempted  the  abolition  of 
slavery  to  which  the  Indians  had  been  illegally  sub- 
jected, and  a  reform  of  the  morals  of  Christians  to  a 
standard  which  would  entitle  them  to  the  respect 
of  savages;  and  in  both  he  failed.  He  is  scarcely 
to  be  decried  for  this,  as  three  centuries  elapsed 
before  the  first  object  was  accomplished,  and  of  the  last 
history  has  little  to  record," 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE    EXPEDITION    OP    FRIAR   MARCOS    DE    NIZA. 

THE  next  European  to  enter  the  territory  now  em- 
braced in  New  Mexico  was  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza,  a 
Franciscan.  As  will  shortly  be  seen,  his  expedition, 
which  was  purely  one  of  exploration,  was  the  direct 
result  of  the  news  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  brought  to 
Mexico  of  the  rich  countries  to  the  north;  and  the  negro 
companion  of  Cabeza  became  the  guide  of  Marcos. 

But  before  proceeding  with  the  story  of  the  journey 
of  the  Friar,  a  few  words  should  be  devoted  to  an 
attempt  previously  made  to  enter  New  Mexico  from  the 
south-west,  based  on  information  of  the  great  wealth 
and  splendor  of  its  cities,  brought  by  a  native  Indian. 
In  the  year  1530  Nuno  de  Guzman,  who  was  President 
of  New  Spain,  possessed  an  Indian  who  was  a  native  of 
the  Valley  of  Oxitipa,  which  the  Spaniards  call  Tejos. 
The  Indian  told  him  that  he  was  the  son  of  a  merchant 
who  had  died  a  long  time  before,  but  who,  in  his  life- 
time, used  to  travel  through  the  interior  of  the  country 
in  order  to  sell  ornamental  feathers,  to  be  made  into 
plumes,  and  who  obtained  in  exchange  for  them  great 
quantities  of  gold  and  silver,  which  metals  were  very 
common  in  that  country.  The  Indian  added  that  he 
had  accompanied  his  father  on  one  or  two  of  these  trips, 
and  had  seen  cities  which  were  so  splendid  and  large  as 
to  compare  favorably  with  the  City  of  Mexico.  These 
cities  were  seven  in  number,  and  in  them  were  whole 
streets  occupied  by  goldsmiths.  To  reach  this  country, 
it  was  necessary  to  march  for  forty  days  across  a  desert, 
where  there  was  no  vegetation  but  a  species  of  short 
grass  about  five  inches  high,  and  to  go  into  the  interior 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  97 

of   the   continent   in    a    northerly    direction    between 
the  two  oceans. 

Nufio  de  Guzman,  full  of  confidence  in  these  state- 
ments, raised  an  army  of  400  Spaniards  and  20,000  In- 
dian allies,  in  New  Spain,  and  starting  from  the  City  of 
Mexico,  marched  through  the  Province  of  Tarasca,  a 
dependency  of  Michoacan.  According  to  the  report  of 
the  Indian,  he  would  find  the  desired  country — to  which 
he  had  given  the  name  of  the"Land  of  the  Seven  Cities" — 
hy  proceeding  toward  the  north,  and  the  President  be- 
lieved it  to  be  about  200  leagues  distant,  calculating  from 
the  forty  days  which  his  informant  had  said  would  be 
required  for  the  journey.  All  went  well  until  he  arrived 
in  the  Province  of  Culiacan,  which  was  beyond  his 
own  government  and  within  what  afterwards  consti- 
tuted the  Kingdom  of  New  Galicia ;  but  there  he  began 
to  meet  many  difficulties.  The  mountain  regions 
which  he  had  to  traverse,  were  so  wild  and  inaccessible 
that  notwithstanding  the  most  strenuous  efforts  he  was 
unable  to  find  a  passage.  On  account  of  this  lack  of 
roads  the  army  was  obliged  to  remain  at  Culiacan,  and 
the  rich  Spaniards  who  had  accompanied  him,  and  who 
had  left  in  Mexico  large  numbers  of  slaves,  became  dis- 
heartened and  very  desirous  of  returning  to  their  homes. 
Perhaps  Guzman  himself  would  have  agreed  to  this 
and  marched  back  to  Mexico,  but  just  then  information 
was  received  that  Cortez  had  arrived  from  Spain,  with 
increased  powers  and  honors,  and  bearing  the  new  title 
of  "  Marquis  of  the  Valley."  As  Guzman,  while  he 
had  been  President  during  the  absence  of  Cortez,  had 
shown  himself  his  bitter  enemy,  and  had  seized  and 
wasted  his  property,  and  that  of  his  friends,  he  was 
afraid  that  the  new  Marquis  would  retaliate  by  like 
treatment,  or  perhaps  worse.  So,  finding  it  impossible 
to  go  on  with  the  expedition  and  yet  fearing  to  return 
to  Mexico,  he  determined  to  colonize  the  Province  of 
Culiacan,  and  so  remained  there  with  such  of  his 


98  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE   NIZA. 

Spanish  friends  as  he  could  induce  to  take  part  in  the 
new  enterprise.  They  established  themselves  at  Xalisco, 
afterwards  called  Compostello,  and  at  Tonala,  which  is 
the  present  Guadalajara;  and  finding  enough  to  occupy 
them  in  this  work,  they  abandoned  all  idea  of  continu- 
ing their  expedition.  The  Tejo  Indian  died,  and  so  for 
several  years  the  "Seven  Cities"  remained  unknown, 
except  in  name. 

For  eight  years  Guzman  remained  and  governed  this 
Province,  when,  with  the  suddenness  which  character- 
ized political  changes  in  the  Spanish  Colonies  at  that 
time,  he  found  himself  not  only  succeeded  by  a  new 
Governor  sent  from  Spain,  and  named  De  la  Torre ;  but 
accused  of  various  crimes  and  thrown  into  prison.  The 
new  Governor  lived  but  a  short  time  to  enjoy  his  colo- 
nial dignity ;  and  the  naming  of  his  successor  devolved 
uxpon  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  Viceroy  of  all  New 
Spain.,  who  appointed  Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado. 
This  gentleman  was  a  native  of  Salamanca,  but  had 
established  himself  in  Mexico,  where  he  had  greatly 
strengthened  his  position  by  a  marriage  with  tho 
daughter  of  the  Treasurer,  Don  Alonzo  d' Estrada,  former 
Governor  of  Mexico,  and  who  was  generally  believed  to 
be  a  natural  son  of  King  Ferdinand,  the  Catholic.  Cor- 
onado was  a  man  of  wealth  and  high  character,  and  at 
the  time  of  his  appointment  was  travelling  through  New 
Spain,  in  order  to  see  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time 
making  valuable  acquaintances  for  the  future.  Just  as 
Coronado  had  been  appointed  by  the  Viceroy,  Antonio 
de  Mendoza,  as  Governor  of  New  Galicia,  Cabeza  de 
Vaca,  accompanied  by  Dorantes,  Castillo,  and  the  negro 
Estevanico,  arrived  in  Mexico  from  that  very  Province, 
after  their  perilous  and  romantic  journey;  and  their 
appearance  years  after  they  had  been  supposed  dead,  and 
the  strange  stories  they  told  of  their  adventure,  attracted 
much  attention.  To  the  Viceroy  they  made  a  special 
report,  in  which  they  gave  a  glowing  account  of  parts 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  99 

of  the  countries  they  had  traversed,  and  in  particular 
spoke  of  great  and  powerful  cities,  in  which  the  houses 
were  four  or  five  stories  in  height,  and  "  of  other  things, " 
adds  Castaneda,  writing  of  it  long  after,  "  very  different 
from  those  which  existed  in  reality."  These  accounts 
were  quickly  communicated  by  the  Viceroy  to  Coro- 
nado,  and  caused  the  latter  to  be  so  much  excited  at  the 
thought  of  the  possibilities  of  discoveries  and  conquests 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Province  which  he  was  appointed 
to  govern,  that  he  abandoned  a  tour  in  which  he  was 
engaged,  in  order  to  hasten  immediately  to  Culiacan. 
He  carried  with  him  the  negro  Estevanico,  who  had 
accompanied  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  and  also  three  Franciscan 
monks,  Marcos  de  Niza,  who  was  a  priest  and  theolo- 
gian, and  Daniel  and  Antonio  de  Santa  Maria,  lay 
brothers ;  Marcos  having  already  much  experience  in 
hazardous  expeditions,  under  Alvarado  in  Peru. 

No  sooner  had  Coronado  arrived  at  the  seat  of  his 
new  Government  than  he  took  immediate  measures  to 
send  the  Franciscans,  under  the  guidance  of  Estevanico, 
in  search  of  the  Land  of  the  Seven  Cities.  It  appears 
that  the  monks  were  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  conduct 
of  the  negro,  who  carried  with  him  everywhere  a  num- 
ber of  women,  and  whose  only  thought  was  to  enrich 
himself;  but  as  he  was  able  to  understand  the  language  of 
the  natives  of  the  country  which  they  wished  to  penetrate, 
and  as  the  Indians  were  acquainted  with  him,  they 
concluded  to  send  him  in  advance,  so  that  they  might 
be  able  to  follow  peacefully,  and  gather  the  information 
desired  without  difficulty  or  danger.  Friar  Marcos  had 
received  special  instructions  from  the  Viceroy  Mendoza, 
before  leaving'Mexico,  as  to  his  duties  on  this  expedition, 
'"  undertaken  for  the  honor  and  glory  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  and  for  the  propagation  of  our  Holy  Catholic 
Faith."  The  very  first  sentence  shows  the  good  effect 
of  the  influence  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  as  the  Franciscan  is 
told,  as  soon  as  he  arrives  at  Culiacan,  to  exhort  the 


100  FRIAR  MARCOS   DE   NIZA. 

Spaniards  to  treat  the  Indians  better,  promising  them 
rewards  if  they  obey,  and  threatening  punishments  if 
they  refuse,  and  then  to  visit  the  Indians  and  assure 
them  that  the  Emperor  has  been  greatly  pained  at  their 
sufferings,  that  they  shall  no  more  be  enslaved,  and 
that  every  one  maltreating  them  shall  be  punished. 
"  Make  them  banish  all  fear  and  recognize  God  our 
Saviour,  who  is  in  heaven,  and  the  Emperor  whom  He 
has  placed  on  earth,  to  reign  and  govern."  The 
instructions  went  on  to  say  that  if  a  route  was  found 
into  the  interior,  -then  he  was  to  proceed  to  explore, 
taking  Este  vanico  as  guide.  He  was  to  use  great  care  and 
avoid  all  occasions  of  difficulty  with  the  Indians,  and  to 
observe  carefully  the  characteristics  of  the  people,  the 
nature  of  the  soil,  the  temperature,  the  trees,  plants 
and  animals,  the  minerals  and  metals;  and,  wherever 
possible,  to  obtain  specimens.  In  case  his  travels  took 
him  to  the  South  Sea,  he  was  to  bury  at  the  foot  of  some 
conspicuous  tree  on  the  shore  such  documents  as  would 
be  valuable,  and  to  raise  a  large  cross  there  to  designate 
the  spot.  If  a  large  city  was  found,  where  it  seemed 
desirable  to  found  a  monastery,  he  was  to  return  to  Culi- 
acan  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  therefor;  "  for 
in  the  proposed  conquest  the  most  important  matter  is 
the  service  of  our  Lord,  and  the  good  of  the  natives  of 
the  country."  And  lastly,  "as  all  the  earth  belongs  to 
the  Emperor,  our  master,  you  are  authorized  to  take 
possession  of  new  countries  in  the  name  of  his  majesty; 
and  you  w'ill  make  the  natives  understand  that  there  is 
one  God  in  heaven,  or  one  Emperor  on  earth,  who  reign 
and  govern."  These  instructions  the  Friar  acknowl- 
edged having  received,  and  promised  to  obey,  on  the 
25th  of  November,  1538;  and  very  soon  after  set  off  with 
Coronado  and  the  two  lay  brothers  for  Culiacan, 

We  are  fortunate  in  having  a  full  account  of  the 
expedition  of  Friar  Marcos  written  by  his  own  hand. 
It  is  full  of  inaccuracies  and  extraordinary  exaggera- 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  101 

tions ;  but  we  give  the  substance  of  it  here,  as  a  knowl- 
edge of  those  very  exaggerations  is  necessary,  not  only 
to  give  us  a  correct  view  of  the  spirit  of  the  times,  but 
also  to  show  on  what  kind  of  statements  the  expedition 
of  Coronado,  in  the"  succeeding  year,  was  based.  The 
"  Relation  of  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza"  is  in  the  form  of  a 
report  to  the  king ;  and  was  most  formally  certified  by 
the  writer  to  be  absolutely  true,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Viceroy,  the  Auditor,  Francisco  de  Ceinos,  and  Governor 
Coronado,  and  attested  by  various  notaries,  at  Temixti- 
tan,  on  September  2,  1539.  It  is  published  in  Ramusio, 
Vol.  III.,  page  297;  Hakluyt,  Vol.  III.,  page  438;  as  an 
appendix  to  H.  Ternaux's  Castaneda,  page  256;  etc.,  etc. 
"  By  aid  of  the  favor  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary,  our  lady, 
and  of  our  seraphic  father  St.  Francis,  I,  Friar  Marcos 
de  Niza,  left  the  city  of  San  Miguel,  in  the  province  of 
Culiacan,  on  Friday  the  7th  of  March,  1539,"  commences 
the  ''Relation."  The  Friar  was  accompanied  by  Friar 
Onorato,  and  by  Estevanico,  or  Stephen,  the  Barbary  ne- 
gro; and  also  by  a  number  of  Indians  whom  the  Viceroy 
had  freed  from  slavery  for  the  purpose,  and  a  large  body  of 
other  Indians  belonging  to  Petatlan,  and  a  town  called 
Cuchillo,  some  fifty  leagues  beyond.  They  first  travelled 
to  the  town  of  Petatlan,  following  the  general  line  of 
the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  a  short  distance 
from  it.  Everywhere  along  the  route  the  people  re- 
ceived them  with  joy,  and  did  everything  in  their 
power  to  show  their  appreciation  of  the  action  of  the 
Viceroy  and  Governor  in  saving  them  from  slavery  and 
stopping  the  outrages  to  which  they  had  before  been 
subjected.  They  brought  provisions  and  flowers  as 
presents ;  and  wherever  there  were  no  houses,  con- 
structed temporary  bowers  of  the  branches  of  trees  for 
shelter  for  the  travellers.  At  Petatlan,  Friar  Onorato 
fell  sick,  and  after  waiting  a  few  days  Marcos  felt  com- 
pelled to  proceed  without  him, — "continuing  my  jour- 
ney as  the  Holy  Ghost  did  lead  me,  although  I  was 


102  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE   NIZA. 

unworthy  of  such  guidance,"  as  he  piously  writes 
Wherever  he  came,  the  Indians  gave  him  a  warm  wel- 
come; raising  triumphal  arches,  and  furnishing  from 
their  scanty  stores  the  best  provisions  that  they  could. 
So  he  went  on,  still  following  the  4ine  of  the  Gulf,  for 
about  seventy-five  miles,  when  he  was  met  by  some 
Indians  from  the  island  which  Cortez  had  visited  on 
his  voyage  not  long  before;  and  also  by  Indians  from 
another  island,  larger  and  more  distant,  who  wore  shells 
of  mother-of-pearl  suspended  from  their  necks,  and  who 
told  him  that  pearls  abounded  on  their  shores. 

Here  he  reached  the  border  of  a  desert  so  wide  that  it 
required  four  days  to  cross  it,  and  which  evidently  formed 
a  complete  barrier  to  intercourse  between  the  natives, 
for  when  he  arrived  on  the  other  side  and  met  the  peo- 
ple there,  they  were  greatly  astonished  to  see  him,  be- 
cause they  had  never  before  heard  of  Europeans,  or  seen 
any  persons  who  resembled  the  strangers.  They  called 
the  Friar"  Hayota,"  meaning  "  a  man  from  heaven,"  and 
pressed  him  simply  to  touch  his  garments,  and  in  every 
way  showed  their  respect  and  veneration.  In  return,, 
by  means  of  interpreters,  he  endeavored  to  teach  them 
of  God  and  the  Emperor,  the  heavenly  and  earthly  au- 
thorities whom  they  ought  to  obey.  As  these  people 
were  poor,  the  travellers  eagerly  inquired  for  news  of  any 
large  cities  or  wealthy  tribes ;  and  were  told  that  in  the 
interior  of  the  country,  four  or  five  days'  journey  from 
the  base  of  the  mountains,  there  was  a  very  extensive 
plain,  which  contained  a  considerable  number  of  great 
towns  inhabited  by  a  people  who  were  dressed  in  cotton, 
and  whose  vessels  were  made  of  gold.  On  further  in- 
quiry, they  said  that  these  people  wore  "  certain  round 
green  stones  hanging  at  their  nostrils  and  at  their  ears, 
and  that  they  have  certain  thin  plates  of  gold  where- 
with they  scrape  off  their  sweat,"  and  that  the  precious 
metal  was  so  plentiful  that  the  walls  of  their  temples 
were  covered  with  it. 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  103 

This  description  was  certainly  sufficiently  enticing, 
but  as  he  wished  not  to  be  drawn  so  far  into  the  interior, 
the  Friar  concluded  to  defer  the  exploration  of  this  rich 
country  until  his  return ;  and  meantime  proceeded  for 
three  days  through  the  domain  of  the  same  tribe  that 
he  first  met  beyond  the  desert,  when  he  arrived  at  a  city 
of  medium  size  (  "  reasonable  bigness  "  the  old  translation 
in  Hakluyt  expresses  it),  where  the  people  received  him 
with  great  hospitality,  and  a  bountiful  supply  of  pro- 
visions, of  which  they  had  abundance,  as  the  land  was 
very  fertile.  The  Spaniards  arrived  here  on  the  Friday 
before  Palm  Sunday,  and  Marcos  determined  to  remain 
until  after  Easter,  and  meanwhile  to  obtain  all  possi- 
ble information  of  the  surrounding  country.  Under- 
standing that  the  Pacific  coast  (South  Sea)  was  but 
forty  leagues  distant,  he  sent  Indian  messengers  by 
three  different  routes  to  bring  to  him  some  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  main-land  and  the  adjacent  islands,  in 
order  that  he  might  learn  from  them  direct  the  facts  re- 
garding their  country.  The  negro,  Stephen,he  dispatched 
towards  the  north,  with  instructions  to  proceed  fifty  or 
sixty  leagues,  to  see  if  anything  of  importance  was  to  be 
discovered  in  that  direction.  His  instructions  were,  if 
he  gained  any  information  of  interest,  either  to  return 
or  to  send  an  Indian  messenger;  and  in  the  latter  case 
a  novel  series  of  signs  was  agreed  on.  If  the  discovery 
"was  but  a  mean  thing,  he  should  send  me  a  white  cross 
of  one  handful  long;  if  it  were  any  great  matter,  one  of 
two  handfuls  long  ;  and  if  it  were  a  country  greater  and 
better  than  New  Spain,  he  should  send  me  a  great  cross.'* 
Stephen  started  on  his  journey  on  Palm  Sunday  in  the 
afternoon,  and  so  prompt  was  he  to  meet  the  highest  ex- 
pectation that  only  four  days  had  elapsed  when  Friar 
Marcos  was  greatly  elated  by  the  sight  of  messengers 
returning,  bringing  a  great  cross  as  high  as  a  man,  and 
news  that  Stephen  had  met  people  who  told  him  of  a 
country  which  was  the  greatest  in  the  world.  With 


104  FRIAR   MARCOS    DE    NIZA. 

the  messengers,  the  African  sent  one  of  the  people  who 
had  visited  this  wonderful  land,  in  order  that  the  Friar 
might  have  accurate  information.  This  Indian  told 
him  that  it  was  a  thirty  days'  march  from  the  point 
where  Stephen  was  to  the  nearest  of  the  cities  of  the 
great '  nation  beyond,  whose  country  he  called  Cibola. 
In  that  land  there  were  seven  very  great  cities,  all  of 
which  were  ruled  by  one  sovereign;  the  houses  were 
large  and  built  of  stone  and  lime,  the  smallest  being  of 
one  story  surmounted  by  a  terrace,  and  others  of  two 
and  three  stories.  The  palace  of  the  ruler  was  four  sto- 
ries high  and  very  finely  built.  The  doors  of  the  prin- 
cipal houses  were  ornamented  with  many  turquoises  cu- 
riously wrought,  that  stone  being  common  in  that  coun- 
try ;  and  the  inhabitants  were  all  well  appareled.  As  if 
this  was  not  enough,  he  added  that  beyond  the  Seven 
Cities  were  other  provinces  exceeding  them  in  greatness 
and  riches. 

Marcos  held  long  conversations  with  this  man,  in 
order  to  obtain  all  the  information  possible,  and  was 
more  and  more  convinced  of  the  truth  of  his  statements, 
as  he  found  him  reasonable  and  intelligent.  Naturally, 
he  was  eager  to  push  on  to  the  discovery  of  these 
wonderful  regions,  but  he  felt  tnat  he  ought  to  await  the 
return  of  the  other  messengers  sent  to  the  coast,  and  so 
remained  several  days  longer  at  Vacupa.  Meanwhile 
there  arrived  three  Indians  of  the  race  called  "  Pintados  " 
— on  account  of  their  being  elaborately  painted  on  the 
face,  breast,  and  arms — who  lived  far  to  the  east ;  and 
they  corroborated  all  that  the  natives  sent  by  Stephen 
had  fold  of  the  glories  of  Cibola.  Having  received  the 
report  from  the  Pacific  coast,  in  which  we  have  no 
special  interest,  Marcos  lost  no  time  in  setting  out  to 
overtake  Stephen,  taking  with  him  the  three  Pintados 
and  some  other  Indians,  and  starting  on  the  Tuesday  after 
Easter.  He  soon  met  other  envoys  from  the  negro, 
carrying  a  cross  as  large  as  the  first,  and  a  message  beg- 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  105 

ging  him  to  hasten  on,  as  more  recent  information 
showed  the  country  before  them  to  be  even  greater  and 
more  marvelous  than  the  first  accounts  had  stated.  Two 
days  afterwards  he  arrived  at  the  village  at  which 
Stephen  had  first  heard  of  Cibola,  and  from  which  he 
had  sent  the  first  message.  The  negro  had  gone  on 
without  waiting  for  the  Friar,  but  the  latter  found  so 
many  persons  here  to  tell  him  of  the  country  beyond 
that  his  time  was  well  occupied.  They  all  bore  testi- 
mony to  the  same  facts  previously  stated  by  the  messen- 
gers, and  added  that  besides  the  Seven  Cities  there  were 
three  other  great  kingdoms,  named  Marata,  Acus,  and 
Totonteac.  The  Indians  said  that  they  were  familiar 
with  Cibola,  because  they  went  there  each  year  to  work 
in  the  fields,  and  received  their  payment  in  hides  and 
turquoises ;  the  latter  being  very  common  there,  so  that 
all  the  people  wore  fine  and  beautiful  ones  suspended 
from  their  ears  and  noses,  and  all  the  principal  doors 
being  ornamented  with  them.  They  described  the  dress 
of  the  men  of  Cibola  as  consisting  of  long  gowns  of 
cotton  descending  to  the  feet,  fastened  at  the  neck  with 
a  button  and  a  long  string,  which  hung  down ;  that  the 
sleeves  were  of  the  same  size  from  the  shoulder  to  the 
wrist,  and  that  they  wore  belts  of  turquoise  around  the 
waist.  From  the  description  the  Friar  thought  that 
these  dresses  must  be  quite  similar  to  those  of  Bohemia. 
The  women  were  similarly  costumed,  wearing  gowns 
which  reached  their  feet. 

The  people  of  this  town  showed  great  hospitality  to 
Marcos,  not  only  attending  to  all  his  wants  after  his  ar- 
rival, but  sending  out  supplies  to  meet  him  on  the 
road.  They  brought  their  sick  to  him  to  be  healed,  and 
clustered  around  to  touch  his  garments.  They  also 
brought  him  several  "cow  skins,"  (buffalo-hides),  so 
admirably  tanned  and  dressed  that  they  appeared  as  if 
prepared  by  a  most  civilized  people ;  and  all  these  they 
told  him  came  from  Cibola.  From  Vacupa  the  Friar 


106  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA. 

continued  his  journey,  accompanied  only  by  the  Pin- 
tados, who  refused  to  leave  him,  and  arrived  toward 
evening  at  another  village  where  he  was  equally  well 
received,  and  where  he  found  another  large  cross,  left 
by  Stephen  as  a  token  that  the  news  was  increasingly 
good.  This,  Marcos  thought,  was  a  proper  place  to 
carry  out  his  instructions  as  to  taking  possession  of  the 
country  for  the  Spanish  Crown,  and  he  consequently 
set  up  two  crosses,  and  formally  made  the  appropriate 
proclamations.  Thus  he  travelled  on  for  five  days,  find- 
ing a  succession  of  villages,  in  each  of  which  the  people 
vied  with  each  other  to  do  him  honor,  and  finally,  just 
before  reaching  a  desert  of  which  he  had  been  told,  ar- 
rived at  a  large  town,  beautifully  situated  near  several 
small  rivers,  and  where  he  was  received  by  a  great  con- 
course of  men  and  women  wearing  cotton  clothing, 
although  some  were  covered  with  well  dressed  buffalo- 
skins,  which  they  preferred  to  any  other  material.  All 
the  people  of  this  town  were  "  in  caconados" — that  is  to 
say,  wore  turquoise  ornaments  suspended  frjm  their 
noses  and  ears,  which  were  called  "  cacona."  At  their 
head  were  the  chief  of  the  community  and  two  of  his 
brothers,  all  exceedingly  well  dressed  in  cotton  fabrics, 
and  ornamented  with  caconas,  and  collars  or  necklaces 
of  turquoise.  They  brought  to  the  Friar  great  quan- 
tities of  game  of  various  kinds,  as  well  as  many  buffalo- 
skins  and  turquoises,  but  he  declined  them  all  according 
to  the  custom  which  he  followed  in  all  places. 

Marcos  himself  was  dressed  in  a  kind  of  gray  woolen 
cloth,  then  called  saragosa,  which  Governor  Coronado 
had  sent  to  him.  The  chief,  and  some  others  of  the 
principal  men,  quickly  observed  this,  and  examined  the 
material  with  interest ;  then  said  to  the  Friar  that  at 
Totonteac  there  was  abundance  of  similar  stuff,  of  which 
the  people  of  that  country  made  their  clothes.  Marcos, 
wishing  to  ascertain  if  they  really  distinguished  the  dif- 
ference between  cotton  and  wool,  laughingly  said  that  the 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE   NIZA.  107 

material  of  their  own  clothing  and  his  was  the  same. 
At  this  they  seemed  indignant,  and  said :  "  Thinkest 
thou  that  we  are  ignorant  that  this  fabric  is  different 
from  that  which  we  wear?  Thou  wilt  see  in  Cibola  all 
the  houses  full  of  material  such  as  ours;  but  at  Toton- 
teac  there  are  little  animals  which  furnish  the  wool 
from  which  your  kind  of ^ cloth  is  made."  This  sur- 
prised and  interested  the  Franciscan  greatly,  as  it  was 
the  first  information  that  had  been  received  of  the  ex- 
istence of  any  kind  of  sheep  in  the  country.  On  leaving 
this  town  he  had  to  enter  the  desert,  which  would  occupy 
four  days  in  crossing;  but  even  here  the  kindness  of  the 
natives  had  provided  for  him,  for  during  the  whole  pe- 
riod he  found  at  each  stopping-place,  whether  at  noon 
or  night,  bowers  made  for  his  accommodation,  and  pro- 
visions prepared  to  meet  his  wants. 

After  passing  this  desert  he  came  to  a  most  charming 
valley,  through  which  he  travelled  for  five  days,  and 
which  was  everywhere  cultivated  like  a  garden.  Vil- 
lages were  scattered  all  through  its  extent,  being  only  a 
league,  and  sometimes  half  a  league,  apart.  In  one  of 
these  he  found  some  very  intelligent  men,  from  whom 
he  learned  still  more  of  Cibola  and  Totonteac,— of  the 
great  houses  of  the  former,  and  the  sheep  and  woolen 
cloth  of  the  latter.  In  particular,  they  spoke  of  the 
buildings,  the  streets,  and  public  places  of  Cibola. 
Wishing  to  test  their  accuracy,  the  Friar  said  that  it 
was  not  possible  that  houses  could  be  built  of  the  height 
that  they  had  stated.  Whereupon  they  took  some  earth 
and  some  ashes  and  wet  them,  and  then  showed  how  the 
stones  were  laid  one  on  top  of  another,  and  how  the 
building  was  thus  constructed  of  alternate  layers  of 
stone  and  mortar,  until  it  had  arrived  at  its  full  eleva- 
tion. Still  feigning  ignorance,  the  Friar  asked  whether 
these  men  had  wings  so  as  to  be  able  to  fly  to  the  upper 
stories  of  the  edifice  ? — at  which  they  laughed  heartily, 
and  drew  a  picture  of  a  ladder  as  well  as  he  himself 


108  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA. 

could  have  done  it,  explaining  that  by  this  means  the 
upper  portions  were  reached.  Totonteac  they  said  was 
built  of  similar  houses,  but  better  constructed,  and  more 
numerous ;  it  was  so  great  a  city  that  it  might  be  called 
limitless. 

Soon  after  passing  this  town  Marcos  met  with  an 
actual  resident  of  Cibola,  the  first  whom  he  had  seen, 
and  from  him  received  a  great  deal  of  interesting  infor- 
mation. The  traveller  describes  this  man  as  "  a  white 
man  of  a  good  complexion,  of  far  greater  capacity  than 
the  inhabitants  of  this  valley  or  those  which  I  had  left 
behind  me."  He  was  quite  aged,  and  had  fled  from  the 
city  on  account  of  some  difficulty,  but  said  he  would  re- 
turn with  the  Friar  if  the  latter  would  procure  his  par- 
don. He  said  that  the  Lord  of  the  Seven  Cities  lived  at 
one  of  them  called  Abacus,  having  lieutenants  in  charge 
of  the  others.  Cibola  is  a  very  large  and  populous  city 
having  many  fine  streets  and  market-places;  that  in 
several  places  there  are  immense  houses  five  stories  in 
height,  (the  French  version  of  Ternaux-Compans  says 
"ten  stories"))  in  which  the  rulers  meet  at  certain  times 
of  the  year.  The  houses  are  of  stone  and  lime,  the  gates 
and  smaller  pillars  of  the  principal  residences  are  of 
turquoise,  while  all  the  household  vessels  and  ornaments 
are  of  gold.  Satisfied  with  modestly  saying  this  much 
as  to  his  own  city,  the  Indian  then  informed  Friar 
Marcos  that  all  of  the  others  of  the  Seven  Cities  were 
similarly  built,  but  several  were  larger  than  Cibola,  the 
most  extensive  being  Abacus  the  capital.  Toward  the 
southeast  was  situated  another  kingdom  called  Marata, 
with  a  large  population,  and  many-storied  houses, 
which  was  continually  at  war  with  the  ruler  of  the 
Seven  Cities.  To  the  west  was  the  kingdom  of 
Totonteac,  which  was  the  greatest  and  most  .important 
in  the  world,  thickly  populated  and  very  rich.  Here 
the  people  were  dressed  in  woolen  cloth  like  that  of  the 
Friar,  only  more  beautiful.  They  were  highly  civilized 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE   NIZA.  109 

and  very  different  from  those  already  seen.  There  was 
also  another  very  large  kingdom  called  Acus,  which  he 
begged  Marcos  not  to  confound  with  Ahacus,  the  city, 
although  the  names  were  somewhat  similar.  Among 
other  things  the  Cibolan  said  that  the  people  of  his  city 
slept  on  "  beds  raised  a  good  height  from  the  ground, 
with  quilts  and  canopies  over  them,  which  cover  the 
said  beds."  In  this  valley  the  Friar  counted  over  a  thou- 
sand buffalo  hides,  extremely  well  prepared,  and  a  con- 
stantly increasing  amount  of  turquoise,  all  of  which, 
however,  was  said  to  come  from  Cibola.  Here  also  he 
was  shown  an  enormous  hide,  half  as  large  again  as  that 
of  the  largest  ox,  which  he  was  told  was  that  of  a  great 
beast  having  one  horn  growing  from  the  middle  of  his 
forehead,  which  bent  down  towards  his  breast,  but  has  a 
point  going  straight  forward,  so  strong  that  it  would 
"break  anything  how  strong  soever  it  be,  if  he  run 
against  it;"  and  the  natives  told  him  that  these  animals 
were  very  abundant  in  that  country. 

While  here,  and  just  before  reaching  the  borders  of 
another  desert,  Marcos  was  met  by  other  messengers 
from  Stephen,  with  most  encouraging  tidings.  The 
negro  sent  word  that  he  was  "  very  joyful,"  because  the 
further  he  advanced  the  more  he  heard  of  the  richness 
of  the  country,  and  the  surer  he  was  of  the  correctness 
of  the  reports.  Before  leaving  this  fertile  valley  and 
entering  upon  the  long  march  across  the  desert  which 
separated  it  from  Cibola,  the  Friar  was  induced  by  the 
people  to  stop  for  three  days  for  rest  and  refreshment, 
and  to  allow  a  number  of  them  to  prepare  to  accompany 
him  on  his  journey.  Three  hundred  had  thus  acted  as 
an  escort  to  Stephen,  but  from  the  multitude  who  pre- 
sented themselves  for  that  purpose  at  the  appointed 
time,  Marcos  selected  only  thirty  of  the  wealthiest  and 
most  influential  men — those  who  were  best  dressed  and 
adorned  with  the  greatest  number  of  turquoise  neck- 
laces— as  companions,  with  a  number  of  others  as 


110  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA. 

servants  to  carry  provisions ;  the  passage,  across  this  last 
desert  being  a  long  and  dangerous  one,  usually  occupy- 
ing fifteen  days.  They  started  on  this  journey  on  the 
9th  of  May,  1539;  finding  a  broad  and  well  beaten  road, 
which  was  used  for  the  travel  to  Cibola,  each  noon  and 
night  stopping  at  places  where  an  advance  party  had 
built  a  temporary  house  for  the  Friar,  once  or  twice 
recognizing  the  houses  which  had  been  similarly  pre- 
pared for  Stephen  a  short  time  before,  and  seeing  the 
remains  of  many  old  ones  used  by  former  travellers. 

Thus  they  journeyed  for  twelve  days,  full  of  enthu- 
siasm and  high  hopes,  when  they  were  suddenly  met  by 
•an  Indian  who  was  one  of  those  who  accompanied 
Stephen,  and  was  the  son  of  one  of  the  principal  natives 
then  with  the  Friar.  He  was  covered  with  perspiration, 
nearly  exhausted  with  fatigue,  and  his  face  was  full  of 
sadness  and  terror  ;  and  after  the  first  salutation,  he  told 
the  following  story:  u  One  day,  shortly  before  arriving 
at  Cibola,  Stephen  sent  the  calabash,  or  gourd,  which  he 
carried  as  a  mace  and  which  had  a  peculiar  significance, 
by  messengers,  according  to  his  custom,  in  order  to 
announce  his  arrival.  To  this  gourd  was  attached  a 
string  of  bells  and  two  feathers,  one  white  and  the  other 
red.  When  the  messengers  had  arrived  in  presence  of 
the  chief  who  rules  that  city  for  the  Sovereign,  they 
handed  him  the  calabash.  The  chief  took  it,  but  when 
he  saw  the  bells,  became  suddenly  enraged  and  dashed  it 
on  the  ground,  ordering  the  messengers  to  leave  immedi- 
ately; for  he  knew  these  strangers,  and  that  they  had 
better  not  enter  the  city,  or  they  would  all  be  put  to  death. 
The  messengers  hastened  back  to  Stephen  and  reported 
to  him  what  had  occurred ;  but  the  negro  replied  that 
that  was  of  no  importance,  for  those  who  seemed  dis- 
pleased at  his  coining  always  received  him  the  best,  and 
he  continued  his  journey  until  he  arrived  at  Cibola. 
At  the  moment  when  he  was  about  to  enter,  he  was  met 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  took  him  into  a  large  house 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  Ill 

just  outside  of  the  city,  and  forthwith  despoiled  him  of 
all  that  he  had  with  him,  including  the  articles  he  had 
brought  for  trading  purposes,  some  turquoises,  and  many 
other  presents  that  he  had  received  during  the  journey. 
He  passed  the  night  in  this  place,  without  anything 
either  to  eat  or  drink  being  given  to  himself  or  his  com- 
panions, who  were  lodged  with  him.  The  next  morn- 
ing the  narrator,  who  was  one  of  them,  being  very 
thirsty,  started  out  of  the  house  in  order  to  get  some 
water  from  a  river  which  flowed  near  by.  Soon  after, 
he  saw  Stephen  running  away,  pursued  by  the  Cibolans, 
who  were  killing  the  Indians  who  were  with  the  negro. 
As  soon  as  the  narrator  saw  this,  he  hid  himself  by  the 
river,  and  at  the  first  opportunity  started  back  through 
the  desert." 

This  news  threw  the  party  of  the  Friar  into  conster- 
nation; they  began  to  lament  and  murmur  against  their 
leader,  so  that  he  tells  us  he  began  to  fear  for  his  life ; 
but  he  quaintly  adds :  "  I  did  not  fear  so  much  the 
loss  of  my  own  life  as  that  I  should  not  be  able  to  re- 
turn to  give  information  of  the  greatness  of  that  country 
where  our  Lord  God  might  be  glorified."  With  a  keen 
insight  into  human  nature,  he  forthwith  opened  some 
of  the  packages  of  goods  which  he  had  brought  for  traffic, 
and  distributed  the  contents  among  the  principal  men, 
telling  them  not  to  fear  but  to  go  forward.  This  they 
consented  to  do ;  but  when  within  a  days'  journey  of 
Cibola  they  met  two  other  Indians  who  had  ac- 
companied Stephen,  bloody  and  covered  with  wounds. 
These  told  the  same  story  as  the  first  comer,  as  to  the 
capture  and  attempted  escape  of  Stephen.  They  had 
been  among  those  who  were  with  him  at  the  time,  when 
a  great  multitude  of  natives  had  pursued  them,  killed 
some  and  wounded  all ;  but  they  had  fortunately  escaped 
and  lain  concealed  all  day  thereafter,  hearing  much 
noise,  and  seeing  crowds  on  the  walls  of  the  city,  but 
neither  seeing  nor  hearing  more  of  Stephen,  so  that  in 


112  FRIAR   MARCOS   DE   NIZA. 

their  own  language,  "  We  think  they  have  shot  him  to 
death,  as  they  have  done  all  the  rest  who  went  with  him, 
so  that  none  are  escaped  but  we  only."  The  news  of 
the  death  of  so  many  relatives  and  friends  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  Indians  almost  to  frenzy,  and  soon 
the  Friar  was  informed  by  a  trusty  servant,  named 
Marcos,  whom  he  had  brought  from  Mexico,  that  they 
were  conspiring  to  kill  him,  as  they  felt  that  through 
him  and  Stephen  their  fathers  and  brothers  had  been 
slain,  and  that  they  were  liable  through  the  same 
means  to  meet  similar  destruction.  Friar  Marcos  tried 
.the  same  method  as  before  to  pacify  them,  distributing 
many  of  the  most  beautiful  and  fascinating  articles,  and 
succeeded  to  some  extent,  and  then  endeavored  to  pre- 
vail on  some  of  them  to  go  on  towards  the  city  so  as  at 
least  to  get  further  news  of  the  fate  of  Stephen;  but 
this  they  absolutely  refused  to  do.  Then  he  told  them 
that  God  would  surely  punish  the  men  of  Cibola,  and 
that  the  Spanish  Viceroy  would  speedily  send  an  army 
to  chastise  the  city  when  he  should  learn  the  news  of 
the  death  of  Stephen ;  but  they  only  replied  that  that 
was  not  possible,  for  no  people  could  withstand  the 
power  of  Cibola. 

By  this  time  Marcos  was  convinced  of  the  impossi- 
bility of  forcing  an  entrance  into  the  city  or  visiting 
it  peaceably,  and  so  concluded  to  make  as  thorough  an 
examination  of  it  as  he  could  from  without.  So  he 
told  his  followers  that  he  proposed  to  see  it  at  all  events, 
but  not  one  would  accompany  him.  Finally,  when  they 
saw  him  actually  start  alone,  two  of  the  cniefs  consented 
to  join  him ;  and  with  them  and  his  own  Indians 
from  the  south  he  proceeded  until  he  was  within  sight  of 
the  long-looked-for  city.  He  found  that  it  was  situated 
"on  a  plain  at  the  foot  of  a  round  hill,  and  maketh 
show  to  be  a  fair  city,  and  better  seated  than  any  that  I 
have  seen  in  these  parts.  The  houses  are  builded  in 
order,  according  as  the  Indians  told  me,  all  made  of  stone, 


FRIAR   MARCOS    DE    NIZA.  113 

with  divers  stories,  and  flat  roofs,  as  far  as  I  could 
discern  from  the  mountain,  whither  I  ascended  to  view 
the  city.  The  people  are  somewhat  white ;  they  wear  ap- 
parel and  lie  in  beds  j  their  weapons  are  bows ;  they 
have  emeralds  and  other  jewels,  although  they  esteem 
none  so  much  as  turquoise,  wherewith  they  adorn  the 
walls  of  the  porches  of  their  houses  and  their  apparel 
and  vessels,  and  they  use  them  instead  of  money 
through  all  the  country.  They  use  vessels  of  gold  and 
silver,  for  they  have  no  other  metal,  whereof  there  is 
greater  use  and  more  abundance  than  in  Peru."  Hav- 
ing viewed  the  city,  which  his  comrades  told  him  was 
the  least  of  the  "  Seven  Cities,"  the  Friar  named  the 
country"El  Nuevo  Reyno  de  San  Francisco ;"  "  and  there- 
upon," he  says,  "I  made  a  great  heap  of  stones  by  the  aid 
of  the  Indians,  and  cm  the  top  thereof  I  set  up  a  small, 
slender  cross,  because  I  lacked  means  to  make  a  greater, 
and  said  that  I  set  up  that  cross  and  heap  in  the  name 
of  the  most  honorable  Lord  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
Viceroy  and  Captain-General  of  New  Spain,  for  the  Em- 
peror, our  lord,  in  token  of  possession."  Not  satisfied 
with  thus  formally  annexing  the  City  of  Cibola  itself  to 
the  Spanish  dominion,  De  Niza  further  solemnly  declared 
that  the  possession  which  he  then  took  was  "  also  of  the 
1  Seven  Cities,' and  of  the  Kingdoms  of  Totonteac,  of 
Acus,  and  of  Marata." 

Having  thus  at  any  rate  formally  accomplished 
great  political  things,  and  having  really  penetrated  to  a 
region  theretofore  unseen  by  European  eyes,  he  turned 
his  back  on  Cibola  and  hastened  to  overtake  the  little 
army  which  had  accompanied  him  on  his  march  across  the 
desert,  and  which  was  now  moving,  as  he  expressed  it, 
"  with  more  fear  than  victuals."  Here  he  had  an  opportu- 
nity of  learning  very  soon  the  old  lesson, that  the  consid- 
eration in  which  a  man  is  held  is  largely  proportioned 
to  his  success,  for  as  he  briefly  puts  it,  "  I  was 
not  made  so  much  of  as  before."  Indeed,  when 


114  FRIAR    MARCOS   DE    NIZA. 

he  arrived  at  the  town  of  the  valley,  whence 
his  companions  and  those  of  Stephen  had  come, 
he  was  afraid  of  his  life  on  account  of  the  great 
lamentation  made  by  both  men  and  women  over  the  loss  of 
the  slain  and  missing  ;  and  so  "  with  fear,"  he  says,  "  I 
hastened  from  the  people  of  this  valley  and  travelled  ten 
leagues  the  firstday,and  so  daily  eight  or  ten  leagues,until 
I  had  crossed  the  second  desert."  Thence  he  went  back 
to  San  Miguel  and  finally  to  Compostella,  where  he 
found  the  Governor,  and  made  a  report  of  the  wonder- 
ful things  which  he  had  seen  and  heard  of.  This  report 
reduced  to  writing,  was  sent  to  the  Viceroy,  and  he  in 
turn  transmitted  it  to  the  Emperor,  accompanied  with 
ah  account  of  the  ill  success  of  several  more  ambitious 
attempts  to  discover  golden  regions,  and  adding,  "It 
seemeth  unto  all  men  that  it  was  God's  will  to 
shut  up  the  gate  to  all  those  who  by  strength  of  human 
force  have  gone  about  to  attempt  this  enterprise,  and  to 
reveal  it  to  a  poor  and  barefooted  Friar." 

Before  closing  the  account  of  this  expedition,  it 
seems  proper  to  notice  another  version  of  the  death  of 
Stephen,  which  appears  in  the  "  Relation"  of  Castaneda, 
and  which  contains  particulars  not  known,  probably,  to 
the  frightened  Indians  who  escaped  to  carry  the  first 
tidings  to  Friar  Marcos.  Castaneda  says:  "Stephen 
arrived  at  Cibola  with  a  great  quantity  of  turquoise,  and 
some  fine  women  who  had  been  presented  to  him  along 
the  route.  With  him  were  a  large  number  of  Indians 
who  had  been  furnished  as  guides  at  different  places, 
and  who  believed  that  under  his  protection  they  could 
traverse  the  whole  world  without  having  anything  to 
fear.  But  as  the  people  of  Cibola  were  more  brave  and 
spirited  than  those  who  accompanied  Stephen,  they 
shut  up  his  whole  company  in  a  house  outside  of  their 
city,  and  there  the  caciques  and  aged  men  of  the  place 
questioned  him  as  to  the  object  of  his  coming  into  their 
country.  After  having  continued  this  inquiry  for  three 


FRIAR   MARCOS   DE    NIZA.  115 

« 

days,  they  held  a  council  to  decide  as  to  his  fate,  ^s 
the  negro  had  told  them  that  he  was  the  forerunner  of 
two  white  men,  sent  by  a  powerful  prince,  who  were 
very  learned  in  the  heavenly  affairs,  which  they  would 
come  to  teach  them,  they  considered  that  he  must  be 
the  guide  or  the  spy  of  some  nation  which  desired  to 
subjugate  them.  It  seemed  to  them,  also,  unreasonable 
to  believe  that  this  man  who  was  black  came  from  the 
country  of  men  who  were  white.  Besides,  Stephen  had 
demanded  of  them  their  riches  and  their  women ;  and 
this  seemed  to  them  hard  to  consent  to.  So  they  con- 
cluded to  kill  him,  without  doing  any  harm  to  those 
who  accompanied  him.  And  this  they  did — taking 
merely  a  few  young  boys,  and  sending  back  all  the 
rest,  who  numbered  about  sixty." 

The  route  taken  by  Marcos  de  Niza  on  this  celebrated 
expedition  is,  so  far  as  its  main  features  are  concerned, 
easy  to  distinguish.  He  first  travelled  nearly  parallel 
with  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  until  he  reached 
its  head,  and  then  turned  to  the  north-east,  and  con- 
tinued travelling  in  that  general  direction  for  the  rest 
of  the  distance.  The  fertile  and  populated  valleys  were 
along  the  Gila  and  its  tributaries.  There  is  no  doubt 
at  all  that  Cibola  was  Zufii,  being  what  is  now  called 
the  "Old  Pueblo,"  or  "Old  Zufii."  The  kingdom  to  the 
south-east  may  have  referred  to  the  Pueblo  country  in 
the  vicinity  of  Acoma  and  Laguna,  or  possibly  to  one  still 
more  distant  and  across  the  Rio  Grande,  towards  Abo 
and  the  ruins  now  called  "  Gran  Quivira."  Totonteac, 
if  situated  as  stated,  to  the  west,  would  be  identical  with 
the  Moqui  towns;  and  Acus  might  have  been  the  country 
now  represented  by  the  ruins  in  the  Chaco  Valley,  the 
Pueblo  Bonito,  etc.  Bu^t  the  experience  of  Coronado, 
shortly  afterwards,  shows  these  reports  of  kingdoms  to 
have  been  very  shadowy,  and  at  all  events  greatly  ex- 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  CORONADO. 

• 

HPHE  highly  colored  account  with  which  Friar  Marcos 
JL  regaled  Governor  Coronado,  and  afterwards  the  Vice- 
roy himself,  was  enough  to  excite  the  ambition  as  well  as 
the  cupidity  of  even  less  adventurous  men.  In  addition 
to  his  written  narration,  or  report,which  was  sufficiently 
enticing,  the  Friar  made  most  exaggerated  statements 
of  what  he  had  been  told  by  Indians  of  the  countries 
beyond  Cibola;  and  his  position  in  the  Franciscan  order 
lent  weight  to  his  words.  The  Viceroy  became  intensely 
interested,  believing  that  here  was  an  opportunity  to 
obtain  both  fame  and  gold,  and  determined  to  lose  no 
time  in  organizing  an  expedition  for  the  exploration 
and  conquest  of  the  rich  kingdoms  beyond  the  desert. 

No  sooner  was  it  known  that  an  expedition  for  the 
conquest  of  Cibola  and  the  wonderful  Land  of  the  Seven 
Cities  had  been  decided  on,  than  the  most  adventurous 
cavaliers  of  New  Spain  hastened  to  take  part  in  the 
enterprise.  The  best  families  of  Castile  were  repre- 
sented among  them,  and  the  troop  of  400  which 
finally  started  was  the  most  brilliant  which,  at 
that  time,  had  ever  been  raised  in  the  new  world. 
Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  the  Governor  of  New 
Galicia,  was  very  properly  appointed  as  Captain-General, 
by  the  Viceroy,  both  because  the  discovery  of  Cibola 
had  been  made  through  his  instrumentality,  and  because 
his  province  was  the  natural  starting-place  of  the  expe- 
dition. He  was  a  man  experienced  both  in  arms  and 
in  government,  wise,  prudent,  and  able,  and  a  great 
favorite  with  Mendoza.  The  Viceroy  also  appointed  the 
other  officers  of  the  expedition;  and  here  the  only  diffi- 


CORONADO.  117 

culty  which  arose  was  from  an  "  embaras  de  richesses." 
"  Seeing  the  great  number  of  gentlemen  taking  part  in 
this  expedition,"  says  Castafieda,  "  the  Viceroy  would 
have  been  glad  to  give  each  one  the  command  of  an 
army  ;  but  as  the  soldiers  were  so  few,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  a  choice.  He  concluded  to  name  the  captains 
himself,  because  he  was  so  greatly  loved  and  respected 
that  he  knew  no  one  would  refuse  to  obey  those  whom 
he  designated."  "  He  chose  for  standard-bearer  Don 
Pedro  de  Tobar,  a  young  cavalier,  son  of  Don  Fernando 
de  Tobar,  mayor-domo  of  the  late  Queen  Joanna, 
our  legitimate  sovereign,  whose  soul  may  God  preserve. 
He  appointed  as  Maestro  de  Campo,  Lope  de  Samaniego, 
governor  of  the  arsenal  of  Mexico,  and  a  chevalier  well 
worthy  of  this  position.  The  captains  were  Don  Tristan 
de  Arellano,  Don  Pedro  de  Quevara,  Don  Garcia  Lopez 
de  Cardenas,  Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado,  brother-in-law  of 
the  Duke  of  Infantado,  Diego  Lopez,  member  of  the  city 
council  of  Seville,  and  Diego  Gutierrez,  captain  of  cav- 
alry. All  the  other  gentlemen  were  placed  directly 
tinder  the  orders  of  the  General,  because  they  were 
men  of  distinction,  and  a  number  of  them  were  after- 
wards appointed  captains."  The  commander  of  the  in- 
fantry was  Pablo  de  Melgosa,  and  the  chief  of  artillery 
Hernando  de  Alvarado.  The  historian  of  the  expedition, 
Pedro  de  Castaneda  de  Nagera,  who  accompanied  it 
through  all  its  journeyings,  and  afterwards  in  Culiacan 
wrote  a  full  account  of  all  that  occurred,  mentions  a 
number  of  other  illustrious  names,  in  order  to  impress 
upon  the  reader  the  chivalrous  and  aristocratic  char- 
acter of  those  who  were  engaged  in  it,  and  to  prove  that 
it  contained  "more  men  of  quality  than  any  which  has 
been  undertaken  for  the  making  of  discoveries,"  adding 
that  it  must  surely  have  been  successful  but  for  the 
great  riches,  and  the  young  bride,  noble  and  charming,  left 
Dehind  by  the  commander,  to  which  attractions  he  at- 
tributes his  intense  desire  to  return  at  a  later  day. 


118  CORONADO. 

With  the  400  Spaniards  were  800  Indian  soldiers,  so 
that  the  entire  expedition  was  composed  of  1,200  men; 
and  these  were  directed  to  rendezvous  at  Compostella, 
the  capital  of  New  Galicia,  in  the  spring  of  1540.  At 
the  same  time  Don  Pedro  Alarcon  was  ordered  to  start 
from  Natividad,  on  the  Pacific,  with  two  ships,  and 
proceed  to  Xalisco  with  such  munitions  as  the  soldiers 
could  not  well  carry,  and  thence  sail  along  £he  coast  as- 
near  as  possible  to  the  army,  so  as  to  keep  up  communica- 
tion with  it,  the  supposition  being  that  the  route  of 
the  expedition  was  near  to  the  coast  of  the  Pacific.  In 
reality  the  line  of  march  of  the  land  forces  so  soon  di- 
verged to  the  east  that  these  vessels  were  of  no  service ; 
but  they  made  many  very  interesting  discoveries,  as 
are  quaintly  recounted  in  the  report  made  by  the  com- 
mander, Alarcon,  after  his  return,  and  subsequently 
published  in  the  collections  of  Ramusio. 

Meanwhile  the  troops  were  concentrating  at  Com- 
postella, and  thither  the  Viceroy  went  in  person  in 
order  to  give  to  the  expedition  the  distinction  and  ben- 
efit of  his  official  presence.  He  was  splendidly  enter- 
tained by  Cristoval  de  Ofiate,  who  had  been  appointed 
to  act  as  Governor  of  New  Galicia  while  Coronado  was 
absent ;  and  he  held  a  grand  review  of  the  whole  army, 
which  is  described  as  a  most  brilliant  spectacle.  The 
Viceroy  was  exceedingly  popular,  and  was  received 
with  great  enthusiasm.  He  addressed  the  soldiers  on 
the  vast  importance  of  the  expedition  in  a  threefold 
aspect;  to  their  country  by  conquering  this  great 
province;  to  the  Indians  by  bringing  them  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  Christianity;  and  to  themselves  by  bettering 
their  fortunes.  He  then  caused  each  man  to  swear  on 
a  missal  containing  the  gospels  never  to  abandon  their 
General,  but  to  obey  all  that  he  might  command ;  and 
in  order  to  encourage  them  to  the  fullest  extent,  he  ac- 
companied them  for  two  days  on  their  march.  The 
army  set  out  early  in  January,  1541,  from  Compostella, 


CORON  ADO.  1 1  9 

as  brilliant  an  array  and  as  full  of  enthusiasm  and  high 
expectations  as  was  ever  seen  in  the  new  world.  As 
soon  as  the  Viceroy  had  departed,  the  regular  march 
commenced,  and  the  days  of  holiday  parade  were  over. 
Many  difficulties  were  at  once  experienced.  The  bag- 
gage was  found  to  be  a  great  annoyance;  it  had  to  be 
transported  on  horses,  and  the  animals  proved  to  be  too 
fat,  and  ill  accustomed  to  fatigue.  Besides,  many 
soldiers  did  not  know  how  to  pack  them  properly,  so 
that  very  soon  a  large  part  of  the  baggage  was  abandoned, 
or  given  to  any  one  who  would  take  it.  Necessity 
caused  many  a  cavalier  to  perform  work  to  which  he 
was  unaccustomed,  so  that  it  was  not  rare,  we  are  told, 
to  see  men  of  gentle  birth  acting  as  mule-drivers. 

After  much  fatigue,  the  army  reached  the  town  of 
Chiametla  ;  and  here  it  was  discovered  that  the  supply 
of  provisons  was  already  failing,  and  a  halt  of  some  days 
was  required  in  order  to  replenish  the  stock.  From  this 
place,  Samaniego,  the  Maestro  de  Ompo.  imprudently 
went  with  only  a  few  men  to  an  adjacent  Indian  village, 
and  while  there  was  shot  in  the  head  with  an  arrow  and 
killed.  A  grand  military  funeral  was  had,  and  all  the  na- 
tives who  even  "seemed  to  be  "  inhabitants  of  the  place 
where  the  murder  took  place,were  hung;  but  the  affair  nat- 
urally cast  a  gloom  Over  the  expedition.  Another  discour- 
aging- event  occurred  at  this  town.  Some  time  previ- 
ously Coronado  had  dispatched  two  officers  named  Mel- 
chior  Diaz  and  Juan  de  Saldibar,  with  a  party  of  a  dozen 
men,  to  explore  the  route  toward  Cibola,  which  had 
been  traversed  by  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza.  The  party 
had  gone  as  far  as  Chichilticale,  which  was  the  town 
so  glowingly  described  by  Marcos 'at  the  edge  of  the  great 
desert,  but  found  nothing  very  inviting  nor  in  any  way 
equaling  the  report  of  the  Friar ;  and  so  had  returned 
and  met  the  a«rmy  at  this  point.  While  they  only  com- 
municated with  Coronado,  yet  H  soon  became  known  in 
the  camp  that  the  news  was  unfavorable,  and  many 


120  CORONADO. 

began  to  be  discouraged.  Friar  Marcos,  however,  assured 
them  that  the  countries  to  be  visited  were  of  great  rich-- 
ness, and  that  every  man  would  reap  a  splendid  reward, 
and  in  this  way  somewhat  revived  their  spirits;  and 
they  resumed  the  march  to  Culiacan.  Here  they  were 
received  on  the  day  after  Easter  with  great  demonstra- 
tions. The  inhabitants  arranged  a  grand  sham  fight, 
in  which  they  pretended  to  defend  their  town  against 
the  approach  of  the  army,  and  then  falling  back,  allowed 
the  latter  to  enter  the  city  in  triumph.  The  officers 
were  entertained  with  marked  hospitality  by  the  citi- 
zens, who  insisted  that  they  should  occupy  their  houses 
instead  of  the  quarters  prepared ;  but  Castaneda  throws 
a  doubt  on  the  disinterested  character  of  these  professions 
by  saying,  "  This  hospitality  was  not  to  their  disadvan- 
tage, for  the  officers  were  very  well  equipped,  and  as 
they  could  not  carry  all  their  baggage  on  their  animals, 
they  preferred  giving  many  articles  to  their  hosts 
rather  than  expose  them  to  the  chances  of  the  future." 
The  army  remained  here  for  a  month,  but  Coronado 
himself  only  stayed  half  of  that  time,  as  he  was  im- 
patient to  press  on  to  the  exploration,  if  not  the  imme- 
diate conquest,  of  the  famed  lands  before  him.  So  he 
took  a  few  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  and  with  fifty 
horsemen  and  a  few  soldiers  on  foot,  started  in  advance, 
leaving  the  main  body  of  the  army  under  the  command 
of  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano,  with  orders  to  follow  him 
in  a  fortnight.  The  General  took  with  him  all  of  the 
priests,  as  for  some  reason  none  of  them  would  remain 
with  the  army  ;  but  after  proceeding  on  the  march  three 
days,  one  of  their  number,  named  Antonio  Victoria, 
happened  to  break  his  thigh  and  had  to  be  sent  back  to 
Culiacan  for  treatment ;  "  which,"  says  Castaneda,  "  was 
no  small  consolation  for  all  the  people."  Meanwhile 
Coronado  and  his  party  were  proceeding  successfully  on 
their  journey,  full  of  enthusiasm,  and  meeting  with  no 
trouble  from  the  natives,  as  many  of  the  latter  were 


CORONADO.  121 

acquainted  with  Friar  Marcos,  or  had  acted  as  an  escort 
on  the  recent  expedition  of  Diaz  and  Saldivar ;  and  so 
they  arrived  at  Chichilticale.  But  here  a  great  dis- 
appointment awaited  them.  Instead  of  the  flourishing 
town  they  had  been  led  to  expect,  they  found  in  reality 
but  one  single  building,  and  that  in  ruins  and  even 
without  a  roof.  It  is  true  that  its  proportions  and  style 
of  architecture  proclaimed  it  to  be  the  work  of  some 
superior  and  civilized  nation,  differing  widely  from  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  around,  but  that  was  small 
consolation  under  the  circumstances.  They  had  come 
seeking  the  riches  of  the  present,  and  not  the  relics  of 
the  past.  This  building,  Chichilticale,  is  almost  beyond 
a  doubt  identical  with  the  structure  now  called  the 
"  Casa  Grande  "  of  Arizona,  which  has  been  so  frequently 
described  by  travellers  in  recent  days ;  both  .the  situa- 
tion and  the  description  making  the  identification 
almost  positively  certain. 

At  this  point  the  great  desert  began  ;  but  Coronado 
would  not  wait  for  his  army,  but  pressed  on  rapidly 
with  his  little  escort  in  hopes  of  making  discoveries  of 
such  importance  that  the  present  disappointment  would 
be  forgotten.  For  fifteen  days  they  marched  through  a 
continuous  desert,  barren,  sandy,  and  devoid  of  water ; 
but  at  length  their  eyes  were  gladdened  by  the  sight  of 
a  narrow  stream,  whose  waters  had  such  a  reddish  tinge 
that  they  named  it  Vermejo.  What  added  to  their  joy 
was  the  fact  that  they  were  but  eight  leagues  from  the 
special  object  of  their  journey — the  City  of  Cibola. 
Here  they  saw  a  few  Indians,  but  could  open  no  com- 
munication, as  they  fled  as  soon  as  they  were  approached. 
Marching  on,  on  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  when  they 
were  but  two  leagues  from  the  city,  they  discovered 
some  Indians  on  an  elevation,  who  raised  such  a  fright- 
ful cry  that  it  startled  and  alarmed  the  Spaniards,  who 
were  unaccustomed  to  such  extraordinary  sounds ;  the 
fright  of  some  of  the  soldiers  being  so  intense,  Castafieda 


122  CORONADO. 

says,  that  they  "  saddled  their  horses  wrong  end  fore- 
most." "  But,"  he  adds  "  these  were  men  of  the  new 
'levy."  The  veterans  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians, 
but  the  latter  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  city.  The 
next  day  the  whole  army  arrived  in  sight  of  Cibola  ; 
but  here  their  disappointment  was  even  greater  than 
at  Chichilticale,  and  the  air  was  filled  with  maledictions 
against  Friar  Marcos  and  his  enormous  exaggerations. 
Instead  of  the  large  city  described  in  his  "  Relation,"  they 
saw  a  small  town  located  upon  a  rock,  containing  not 
over  200  warriors,  but  protected  from  capture  by  the 
steepness  and  difficulties  of  its  approach.  It  was  true 
that  the  houses  were  of  thre"e  or  four  stories  in  height, 
but  they  were  small  and  inconvenient,  and  one  court- 
yard had  to  serve  for  an  entire  quarter.  The  whole 
province  contained"  seven  cities,  some  of  which  were 
much  larger  and  better  fortified  than  Cibola. 

The  Spaniards  had  hoped  that  their  overtures  of 
peace  and  friendship  would  be  accepted  without  ques- 
tion or  delay,  but  the  Indians  seemed  to  understand 
that  peace  meant  subjugation,  and  so  only  replied  to  the 
demand  of  the  interpreter  by  menacing  gestures,  and 
drew  up  their  warriors  in  good  order  to  resist  an  attack. 
This  speedily  followed,  for  Coronado  led  his  followers 
to  an  immediate  charge,  with  loud  cries  of  "Santiago." 
The  Indians  could  not  withstand  this  attack,  but  fled  to- 
the  shelter  of  the  town.  The  Spaniards  followed,  but 
found  that  the  task  before  them  was  not  an  easy  one. . 
The  single  approach  was  steep  and  dangerous,  the  com- 
manding position  of  the  town  on  the  summit  of  a  rocky 
mesa  giving  its  defenders  an  immense  advantage.  The 
assailants,  as  they  attempted  to  carry  it  by  storm,  were 
received  with  showers  of  stones,  one  of  which  struck 
Coronado  himself  to  the  ground,  where  he  would  have 
been  killed  had  not  Hernando  de  Alvarado  and  Lopez  de 
Cardenas  thrown  themselves  before  him,  and  protected 
him  from  the  showers  of  missiles  with  their  own  bodies. 


CORONADO.  123 

Nevertheless  his  followers  pressed  on,  and  "as  it  is  im- 
possible to  resist  the  furious  attacks  of  Spaniards,"  says 
Castaneda,  in  less  than  an  hour  the  city  was  captured, 
and  the  Europeans  marched  in  triumph  through  the 
streets  of  the  first  Pueblo  town  that  had  ever  felt  their 
tread.  The  conquerors  were  rejoiced  to  find  a  plentiful 
supply  of  provisions,  of  which  they  were  sorely  feeling 
the  need ;  and  after  a  short  period  for  rest,  Coronado  suc- 
ceeded in  reducing  the  entire  province  to  subjection. 

Meanwhile  the  army  which  had  been  left  at  Culiacan 
under  the  command  of  Arellano  had  slowly  proceeded 
on  its  march,  travelling  on  foot  and  with  considerable 
difficulty.  They  passed  through  the  town  which  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  had  called  "  Corazones,"  where  the  commander 
was  so  much  pleased  that  he  concluded  to  colonize  the 
country.  From  here  they  tried  to  obtain  news  of  the 
ships  which  were  to  have  accompanied  them  to  the 
head -of  the  Gulf,  but  could  learn  nothing,  and  so  they 
stopped  at  the  new  town,  which  was  called  Sonora, 
awaiting  news  and  orders  from  Coronado.  These  came 
in  the  middle  of  October,  by  the  hands  of  Melchior  Diaz 
and  Juan  Gallegos,  and  the  main  army  immediately  set 
out  for  Cibola.  Gallegos  proceeded  to  Mexico  to  carry 
an  account  of  the  expedition  as  far  as  it  had  progressed; 
and  he  took  with  him  Friar  Marcos,  who  had  been 
obliged  to  fly  from  the  army  at  Cibola  on  account  of  the 
indignation  of  the  troops  at  the  exaggerations  and  falsi- 
ties of  which  it  had  now  been  proved  he  had  been  guilty, 
in  the  relation  of  his  former  journey.  Arellano  and  a 
considerable  number  of  soldiers  who  were  sick,  or  had 
not  the  strength  requisite  for  the  hardships  of  the  com- 
ing journey,  remained  at  Sonora.  The  main  body 
marched  over  the  same  route  taken  by  Coronado,  and 
were  hospitably  received  by  the  Indians  along  the  road, 
who  had  been  well  treated  by  the  General.  They 
reached  the  desert  at  Chichilticale  without  notable 
adventure,  except  that  many  were  seized  with  a  violent 


124  CORONADO. 

disease  from  eating  preserved  Indian  figs,  given  to  them 
by  the  natives.  When  almost  across  the  desert,  and 
within  a  day's  march  of  Cibola,  they  encountered  a 
violent  storm,  followed  by  a  very  severe  and  deep  snow. 
The  Spaniards  resisted  the  cold  without  difficulty,  but 
the  Indians  who  accompanied  them  suffered  very 
severely,  as  they  came  from  the  warm  country  to  the 
south,  and  had  never  experienced  such  intensely  frigid 
weather  before.  Some  succumbed  to  the  exposure  and 
perished,  while  many  others  were  only  saved  by  being 
carried  on  the  horses  while  the  Spaniards  walked.  On 
arriving  at  Cibola,  however,  the  army  found  not  only  a 
warm  welcome  from  the  General  and  their  comrades, 
but  that  Coronado,  with  an  unusual  degree  of  care,  had 
prepared  for  them  excellent  and  comfortable  quarters  in 
advance. 

While  the  whole  army,  thus  reunited,  was  resting 
after  its  desert  march,  Coronado  endeavored  to  obtain  in- 
formation of  the  surrounding  country.  He  was  soon 
told  of  a  province  called  Tusayan,  twenty-five  leagues 
distant,  where  there  were  seven  cities  similar  to  those 
of  Cibola.  The  inhabitants  were  said  to  be  very  brave^ 
but  the  Cibolans  could  give  no  very  exact  information 
concerning  them,  because  there  was  no  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  provinces.  Coronado  was  unwilling  to 
continue  his  march  until  this  province  had  been  visited, 
and  consequently  sent  a  small  detachment  under  Don 
Pedro  de  Tobar,  in  whose  bravery  and  address  he  had 
special  confidence,  to  reconnoitre,  and  if  practicable, 
take  possession  of  the  country.  With  them  was  sent  as 
an  adviser,  half  spiritual  and  half  military,  Friar  Juan 
de  Padrila,  a  Franciscan  monk  who  had  been  a  soldier 
in  his  younger  days.  The  expedition  marched  so 
rapidly  and  secretly  that  it  arrived  in  the  province  and 
up  to  the  very  walls  of  the  houses  of  the  first  village 
without  being  discovered,  and  encamped  after  dark  in 
the  midst  of  the  unsuspecting  population.  At  dawn 


CORONA  DO.  125 

the  Indians  were  astonished  to  see  the  strangers  at  their 
doors,  and  especially  amazed  at  the  sight  of  the  horses, 
the  like  of  which  they  had  never  seen  before.  An 
alarm  was  sounded,  and  the  warriors  quickly  assembled 
with  bows  and  clubs  to  drive  away  the  invaders.  The 
Spanish  interpreter  endeavored  to  explain  that  they 
came  as  friends,  but  the  Indians,  while  hearing  them 
politely,  insisted  that  the  strangers  should  withdraw  ; 
and  drawing  a  line  on  the  ground,  forbade  any  of  the 
Spaniards  to  pass  beyond  it.  One  soldier  rashly  vent- 
ured to  cross,  when  he  was  immediately  attacked  and 
driven  back.  At  this  the  Friar,  who  seemed  to  have 
been  more  aggressive  even  than  the  Captain,  urged  a 
charge,  exclaiming  in  vexation  at  the  delay,  "In  truth, 
I  do  not  understand  why  we  have  come  here!"  at  which 
the  Spaniards  rushed  forward  and  killed  a  great  num- 
ber of  Indians,  while  the  remainder  fled  to  the  houses 
for  protection.  These  soon  returned  in  the  attitude  of 
suppliants,  bringing  presents,  and  offering  their  own 
submission  and  that  of  the  whole  province.  During 
the  day  deputations  came  from  the  other  towns  to  con- 
firm their  surrender  and,  to  invite  the  Spaniards  to  visit 
them  and  trade.  In  this  province,  which  was  then 
called  Tesayan,  but  which  is  identical  with  the  modern 
Moqui,  were  seven  villages,  which  were  governed  as 
were  those  of  Cibola,  by  a  council  of  aged  men;  having 
also  governors  and  captains.  They  raised  large  quanti- 
ties of  corn,  and  had  well  tanned  leather;  and  among 
the  presents  which  they  brought  to  Tobar  were  poultry 
and  turquoise. 

Having  accomplished  its  object,  the  expedition 
returned  to  Cibola,  where  Don  Pedro  gave  an  account  of 
his  adventures  to  Coronado,  and  also  told  him  of  a  great 
river  further  to  the  west,  of  which  he  had  received 
information  from  the  people  of  Tusayan.  On  this  river 
it  was  said  that  a  race  of  giants  lived;  and  so  much  was 
told  of  its  extraordinary  size  and  character  that  Coro- 


126  CORONADO. 

nado  determined  to  send  another  expedition  to  explore 
it.  Accordingly,  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  with 
twelve  horsemen  set  forth,  proceeding  first  to  Tusayan, 
where  they  procured  guides  and  laid  in  provisions  for 
the  desert  journey.  After  traversing  an  uninhabited 
country  for  twenty  days,  they  at  length  arrived  on  the 
banks  of  the  river,  which  was  in  so  deep  a  canon  that 
the  sides  seemed  "  three  or  four  leagues  in  the  air."  It 
was  impossible  to  descend  the  rugged  and  almost  per- 
pendicular banks  to  the  water,  so  the  party  marched 
along  the  side  for  three  days  hoping  to  find  a  safe  place 
at  which  to  make  a  descent.  The  river  was  so  far  below 
that  it  appeared  but  an  arm's  length  in  width,  but  the 
Indians  assured  the  Spaniards  that  it  was  fully  one-half 
a  league  across.  At  length  they  arrived  at  a  point  that 
seemed  more  favorable  for  an  attempt  to  descend,  and 
Captain  Melgosa,  Juan  Galeres,  and  one  other  soldier,  who 
were  the  lightest  and  most  active  of  the  company,  vol- 
unteered to  make  the  experiment ;  but  toward  night-fall 
they  returned,  torn  and  exhausted,  reporting  that  they 
had  only  been  able  to  accomplish  a  third  of  the  distance 
They  said  that  even  from  there  the  river  assumed  large 
proportions,  and  that  some  of  the  rocks,  which  from  the 
surface  appeared  scarcely  as  high  as  a  man,  were  in 
reality  taller  than  the  tower  of  the  Cathedral  of  Seville. 
The  expedition  proceeded  somewhat  further  along  the 
river,  until  it  reached  some  great  falls,  but  was  finally 
compelled  to  return  for  want  of  water.  This  river  the 
discoverers  called  the  Tison,  correctly  recognizing  it  as 
the  same  of  which  the  mouth  had  been  seen  at  the  head 
of  the  Californian  Gulf.  It  is  now  known  as  the  Colorado 
of  the  West ;  and  its  Grand  Canon,  along  which  Cardenas 
thus  marched  nearly  three  and  a  half  centuries  ago,  is 
one  of  the  most  wonderful  natural  curiosities  of  the 
world. 

While  these   expeditions  were  being  made  to  the 
west,  a  deputation  of  natives  came  from  a  province  far 


CORONADO.  127 

to  the  east,  called  Cicuye.  This  was  headed  by  their 
chief,  a  young  man,  tall  and  fine-looking,  who,  from  the 
unusual  circumstance  of  his  having  long  mustaches,  the 
Spaniards  called  "Bigotes."  He  said  that  they  had 
heard  in  their  country,  seventy  leagues  away,  of  the 
arrival  of  the  white  men,  and  had  come  to  offer  their 
friendship  and  services,withthe  hope  that  the  Spaniards, 
as  they  advanced,  would  consider  them  as  allies.  Coro- 
nado  received  them  graciously,  and  an  exchange  of 
presents  took  place,  the  Indians  being  specially  pleased 
with  some  little  bells.  Bigotes  gave  a  general  description 
of  the  intervening  country,  its  productions  and  animals, 
particularly  dwelling  on  the  number  of  native  cows 
(buffaloes)  which  were  to  be  found  to  the  eastward.  This 
presented  too  good  an  opportunity  for  exploration  to  be 
lost ;  so  Coronado  directed  Hernando  de  Alvarado,  with 
twenty  men,  to  accompany  the  deputation  on  their 
journey  back  to  their  country,  and  to  return  within 
eighty  days  with  an  account  of  his  discoveries. 

Proceeding  easterly,  after  a  five  days'  march,  they 
arrived  at  Acuco — the  present  Pueblo  of  Acorna — a  town 
built  on  the  summit  of  a  great  rock,  with  sides  so  per- 
pendicular that  ascent  was  impossible  except  at  one 
place,  and  there  only  by  the  use  of  artificial  steps.  The 
situation  was  practically  impregnable  ;  for  after  ascend- 
ing 200  steps,  it  was  necessary  to  climb  100  more 
that  were  far  more  difficult,  and  then  a  perpen- 
dicular ascent  of  twelve  feet  remained  to  be  accom- 
plished, which  could  only  be  done  by  the  use  of 
holes  made  in  the  face  of  the  rock.  On  the  summit  was 
heaped  a  quantity  of  great  stones,  to  be  rolled  down  on 
the  heads  of  any  enemies  attempting  to  scale  the  height, 
while  those  above  were  entirely  protected  from  danger. 
The  flat  crown  of  the  rock  contained  enough  good  soil 
for  the  cultivation  of  large  quantities  of  corn,  and  wells 
sunk  in  the  solid  stone  supplied  the  town  with  water* 
Acuco  boasted  of  about  200  warriors,  and  from  their 


128  CORONADO. 

fearlessness,  and  the  security  of  its  position,  was  the 
terror  of  the  surrounding  country. 

On  the  approach  of  the  little  band  of  Spaniards,  the 
Indians  came  down  boldly  into  the  plain,  and  haugh- 
tily forbade  them  to  proceed  further ;  but  finding  that 
Alvarado  displayed  no  fear,  but  was  preparing  his  com- 
pany to  make  an  attack,  they  suddenly  changed  their 
tone  and  sued  for  peace  and  amity,  which  were  readily 
accorded.  :  They  soon  afterwards  presented  the  Span- 
iards with  a  great  quantity  of  poultry,  together  with 
bread,  corn,  pifions,  etc.,  which  were  very  acceptable. 
Alvarado,  however,  did  not  delay,  but  pressed  on  his 
journey,  arriving  in  three  days  at  a  province  called 
Tiguex,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  on  seeing  Bigotes, 
who  was  highly  esteemed  in  all  that  country,  received 
the  Spaniards  with  great  hospitality.  The  precise  loca- 
tion of  Tiguex  cannot  be  determined  at  this  time;  but 
from  the  distance  to  various  surrounding  points,  such  as 
Jemez,  Cicuye*,  etc.,  it  is  evident  that  the  province  lay 
along  the  valley  of  the  Puerco  River,  embracing  proba- 
bly the  territory  on  both  sides,  and  especially  to  the 
east.  '  It  included  twelve  villages  in  all,  and  its  princi- 
pal towns  were  probably  about  west  from  Bernalillo. 
Alvarado  was  so  much  charmed  with  the  appearance  of 
the  country  and  the  kindness  of  his  reception,  that  he 
sent  an  envoy  to  Coronado  at  Cibola,  recommending  that 
he  should  bring  the  whole  army  to  winter  there. 

Without  waiting  for  a  response,  the  little  expedition 
continued  its  march,  and  at  the  end  of  five  days  arrived 
at  Cicuy6,  the  city  of  "  Bigotes,"  and  which  was  found 
to  be  built  of  houses  four  stories  in  height  and  strongly 
fortified.  Here  they  were  received  with  special  demon- 
strations of  joy  and  welcome,  escorted  into  town  to  the 
music  of  drums  and  fifes,  and  presented  with  many 
cotton  goods  and  turquoises.  Cicuye  was  situated  on 
the  Jemez  River,  and  probably  at  or  near  the  present 
pueblo  of  Santa  Ana,  as  it  was  about  four  leagues  dis- 


CORONADO.  129 

tant  from  Cia.  Alvarado  concluded  to  remain  here  some 
little  time  to  give  his  troops  the  much-needed  rest ;  and 
while  so  waiting,  he  met  an  Indian  who  was  destined  to 
have  a  great  influence  on  the  history  of  the .  whole  ex- 
pedition. This  was  a  stranger,  held  as  a  servant  at 
Cicuye,  but  who  had  come  from  the  far  East,  being  a 
native,  says  Castaneda,  "  of  the  country  on  the  border 
of  Florida,  of  which  De  Soto  has  lately  explored  the  in- 
terior." He  bore  such  a  strange  resemblance  to  the 
Mohammedans  of  the  Orient  that  the  Spaniards  called 
him  "the  Turk,"  and  by  no  other  name  is  he  mentioned 
in  the  chronicles.  This  man,  from  his  first  meeting  with 
Alvarado,  began  to  tell,  in  most  extravagant  terms,  of 
wonderful  cities  to  be  found  in  his  own  country  to  the 
east  and  of  their  vast  riches  in  gold  and  silver.  So  thor- 
oughly did  he  impress  Alvarado  with  these  stories  that 
the  Captain  felt  it  but  a  loss  of  time  to  explore  a  country 
containing  little  else  but  buffaloes ;  and  so,  after  proceed- 
ing just  to  the  edge  of  the  plains, where  he  could  see  those 
animals,  he  hastened  back  to  meet  Coronado  and  tell 
him  of  the  great  news  he  had  received. 

Meanwhile  the  latter  had  concluded  to  act  on  the  ad- 
vice of  Alvarado  as  to  wintering  at  Tiguex,  and  had 
sent  Cardenas  in  advance  to  prepare  quarters  for  the 
soldiers.  This  was  done  with  much  harshness  and 
cruelty,  the  inhabitants  being  driven  out  of  their 
houses,  and  not  even  allowed  to  take  their  goods,  with 
the  exception  of  the  clothes  they  wore — a  poor  return 
for  the  hospitality  extended  by  them  to  Alvarado. 
Coronado  himself  waited  at  Cibola  until  the  arrival  of 
Tristan  de  Arellano  with  re-inforcements,  and  then  set 
out  for  Tiguex  with  thirty  men,  leaving  directions  for 
the  main  body  to  follow  in  three  weeks.  Wishing  to 
visit  a  province  of  eight  villages  of  which  he  had  heard, 
called  Tutahaco,  he  took  a  different  route  from  that 
by  Acuco,  and  after  great  suffering  from  thirst  in 
a  desert  region— (which  must  have  been  west  of  the 


130  CORONADO. 

present  Fort  Wingate), — he  arrived  by  an  eight  days' 
march  at  the  towns  which  he  determined  to  see.  This 
province  of  Tutahaco  was  evidently  in  the  valley  of 
the  river  now  called  San  Jose,  the  only  one  of  its  towns 
still  existing  being  the  Pueblo  of  Laguna.  The  General 
found  the  people  friendly  and  well-disposed,  and  their 
towns,  clothing,  and  customs  similar  to  those  in  the 
vicinity  of  Cibola.  He  followed  the  San  Jose  down  to 
its  junction  with  the  Puerco,  and  then  ascended  the 
valley  of  the  latter  until  he  arrived  at  Tiguex,  where 
he  met  Alvarado  and  "  the  Turk."  The  latter  repeated 
to  Coronado  what  he  had  before  narrated,  with  perhaps 
greater  embellishments.  He  said  that  in  his  native 
country,  to  the  east,  was  a  great  river  two  leagues  in 
width,  containing  fish  of  the  size  of  a  horse,  and  nav- 
igated by  boats  carrying  twenty  oarsmen  on  a  side,  as 
well  as  using  sails;  that  the  nobles  sat  in  the  stern  of 
these  vessels  under  canopies,  surrounded  by  all  kinds 
of  magnificence.  He  stated  that  the  lord  of  the  land 
took  a  daily  siesta  in  the  shade  of  a  great  tree,  from 
whose  branches  bung  golden  bells  that  the  moving  air 
caused  to  ring,  and  added,  with  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  the  hopes  and  wishes  of  the  Spaniards,  that  the  com- 
monest vessels  for  water  were  of  finely  worked  silver, 
and  the  plates  and  other  table  utensils  of  gold. 

These  stories,  however  extravagant,  the  Spaniards 
believed  implicitly,  and,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  put  such 
confidence  in  the  Turk  as  to  make  them  distrust  all 
others.  For  instance,  the  former  told  them,  by  way  of 
corroboration,  that  he  had  brought  several  golden  brace- 
lets from  his  own  country  when  he  came  to  Cicuye ;  and 
when  the  Spaniards  sent  to  find  them,  and  were  informed 
by  the  people  that  such  things  had  never  been  seen 
there,  and  that  the  Turk  was  a  notorious  liar  who  could 
never  be  trusted,  they  actually  disbelieved  the  latter; 
and  seizing  the  Cacique  and  Bigotes,  from  whom  they 
had  received  so  much  aid  as  well  as  kindness,  carried 


CORONADO.  131 

them  in  chains  to  Tiguex  in  order  to  extort  a-  confession 
as  to  the  missing  ornaments,  and  kept  them  in  confine- 
ment more  than  six  months.  This  conduct  naturally 
caused  great  indignation  among  the  natives,  which  was 
increased  by  the  injustice  and  rapacity  which  character- 
ized the  actions  of  the  officers  appointed  by  Coronado  to 
collect  cotton  goods  for  clothing  for  the  soldiers,  and  by 
other  outrages  not  easy  to  be  forgiven.  At  length  they 
met  in  their  estufa  and  held  an  important  council,  in 
which,  after  long  deliberation  and  the  consideration  of 
all  their  wrongs,  they  concluded  that  the  only  course  be- 
fore them  was  to  make  war  on  their  oppressors  and 
drive  them  from  the  land. 

The  next  morning  news  came  to  the  Spaniards  that 
the  Indians  had  risen  and  killed  one  of  their  native  al- 
lies, and  were  driving  off  the  horses.  Pursuit  was  im- 
mediately made,  and  a  few  of  the  animals  recovered, 
but  the  greater  number  were  lost.  Soldiers  were  sent 
to  several  of  the  neighboring  villages,  but  they  every- 
where found  the  houses  closed  and  barricaded,  and  failed 
to  draw  the  Indians  out  from  these  strongholds.  It 
was  evidently  an  arranged  policy  to  act  on  the  defensive, 
as  by  this  means  they  had  a  large  advantage.  The 
General  then  sent  Cardenas  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
army  to  lay  siege  to  one  of  the  towns,  and  bring  it  to 
terms.  He  succeeded  in  taking  the  Indians  unawares, 
and  gained  the  tops  of  the  houses  before  they  knew  of 
his  approach,  but  the  men  then  suffered  .severely  from 
arrows  fired  from  loop-holes  in  the  opposite  buildings. 
The  Spaniards  maintained  themselves  in  this  position 
all  that  day  and  night,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  suc- 
ceeding day,  fighting  continually ;  when  they  were  re- 
lieved by  the  strategy  of  their  Indian  allies,  who  dug 
under-ground  passages  to  some  of  the  houses,  and  by  the 
aid  of  certain  inflammable  materials  so  filled  them  with 
smoke  that  the  inmates  were  compelled  to  come  out 
and  sue  for  peace.  Pablo  Lopez  Melgosa  and  Diego  Lo- 


132  CORONADO. 

pez  made  the  recognized  sign  of  peace  in  reply,  by  cross- 
ing their  hands ;  whereupon  the  Indians  threw  down 
their  arms  and  surrendered.  They  were  then  conducted 
to  the  tent  of  Cardenas,  who,  it  is  said,  did  not  know 
the  circumstances  of  their  surrender,  but  supposed  they 
had  been  captured  without  any  condition,  and  there- 
upon ordered  that  they  should  all  be  burned  alive  as  a 
warning  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  towns.  Those 
present  who  knew  that  they  had  surrendered  under  the 
promise  implied  by  the  sign  of  peace  said  nothing,  but 
allowed  the  horrible  preparations  to  go  on  in  silence. 
When  the  Indians  saw  this,  and  understood  what  their 
fate  was  to  be,  they  seized  pieces  of  the  wood  which  had 
been  brought  for  the  burning,  and  attempted  to  defend 
themselves;  but  the  soldiers  attacked  them  with  their 
swords,  so  that  of  about  100  who  had  thus  sur- 
rendered, very  few  escaped.  While  this  cruel  massacre 
struck  terror  to  the  hearts  of  all  who  heard  of  it,  yet  in 
other  ways  it  had«far  from  the  desired  effect.  The  his- 
torian of  the  expedition  evidently  appreciated  this,  as 
he  says,  "  They  made  it  known  throughout  all  the 
country  that  the  Spaniards  did  not  regard  the  compacts 
to  which  they  had  sworn,  which  did  us  much  harm  in 
the  end." 

Just  at  this  time  the  part  of  the  army  which  had 
been  left  at  Cibola  under  Arellano  arrived,  and  never 
could  re-inforcements  have  been  more  timely.  Simultane- 
ously there  commenced  a  very  severe  snow-storm,  which 
continued  with  such  violence  for  the  space  of  two  months 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  undertake  any  new  enterprise- 
Coronado  was  specially  anxious  for  peace,  in  order  to 
pursue  his  journey,  and  therefore  sent  envoys  to  all  the 
villages,  promising  pardon  and  good  treatment ;  but  the 
Indians  replied  that  they  could  put  no  trust  in  people 
who  did  not  keep  their  word,  and  reminded  them  that 
they  still  kept  Bigotes  as  a  prisoner,  and  had  broken 
faith  with  those  who  had  surrendered.  As  soon  as  the 


CORONADO.  133 

weather  permitted,  hostilities  were  renewed,  and  finally 
the  General  determined  to  capture  the  city  of  Tiguex 
itself,  as  an  example  to  the  other  towns.  He  therefore 
had  scaling-ladders  prepared,  and  made  all  the  arrange- 
ments possible  to  insure  success,  and  then  with  his 
whole  army  made  a  most  vigorous  assault.  But  the  in- 
habitants were  equally  well  prepared,  and  met  the  as- 
sailants with  showers  of  arrows,  and  with  great  stones 
of  such  weight  that  they  unhorsed  many  of  the  Span- 
iards. The  advantage  of  position  was  altogether  with 
the  Indians,  and  in  a  short  time  Coronado  found  himself 
forced  to  retire  with  considerable  loss.  The  siege  con- 
tinued for  no  less  than  fifty  days,  the  Spaniards  show- 
ing great  gallantry  and  daring,  a-nd  the  besieged  no  less 
courage  and  endurance.  Many  assaults  were  made,  but 
always  without  success.  The  Indians  lost  more  than 
200  warriors  in  resisting  the  various  attacks,  and 
several  of  the  most  prominent  Spaniards  perished 
during  the  siege.  The  loss  most  felt  by  the  latter  was 
that  of  Captain  Francisco  de  Obando,  a  distinguished 
soldier  of  great  popularity  among  the  troops,  who  was 
captured  and  carried  alive  within  the  walls.  The 
Indians  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  water,  their  supply 
having  been  cut  off,  and  though  they  sent  their  women 
and  children  away  during  a  day  of  truce,  yet  in  the  end 
they  found  themselves  compelled  to  abandon  the  place. 
This  they  attempted  to  do  secretly  at  night,  but  were 
discovered  by  a  sentinel,  and  the  alarm  being  given, 
they  were  defeated  with  great  slaughter.  Those  who 
escaped  attempted  to  cross  the  river,  but  the  water 
was  so  extremely  cold  that  many  were  drowned ;  and  the 
few  who  succeeded  in  gaining  the  opposite  bank  were 
so  benumbed  and  exhausted  that  they  were  easily  capt- 
ured. While  this  siege  was  progressing,  two  of  the 
Spanish  captains,  Quevara  and  Saldibar,  had  been  sent 
to  capture  another  village,  and  with  very  similar  suc- 
cess ;  for  the  inhabitants  after  a  considerable  time 


134  CORONADO. 

attempted  to  leave  the  place  by  stealth,  but  were  over- 
taken and  with  scarcely  an  exception  killed  or  taken 
prisoner ;  the  town  being  given  up  to  pillage.  These 
two  captures  occurred  just  at  the  end  of  the  year  1541. 

While  the  siege  of  Tiguex  was  in  progress,  Coronado 
made  a  trip  to  Cicuye  in  order  to  regain  the  friendship 
of  the  people  of  that  city.  He  took  with  him  their 
cacique,  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  some  time — at 
sight  of  whom  the  people  greatly  rejoiced.  The  General 
re-established  this  old  official  in  his  position,  and 
promised  that  within  a  short  time  Bigotes  should  also 
be  restored  to  them  ;  and  then  returned  to  Tiguex,  leav- 
ing the  people  in  a  most  friendly  mood.  As  soon  as  the 
siege  was  terminated,  ne  sent  an  officer  also  to  Chia  (the 
modern  Pueblo  of  Cia  or  Zia),  a  large  and  populous 
town  four  leagues  distant,  whose  people  had  before  sent 
messengers  to  present  their  submission.  As  a  compli- 
ment to  this  town,  arid  a  proof  of  confidence,  he  left  in 
the  custody  of  its  people  four  bronze  cannon,  which 
were  not  in  condition  to  do  service.  A  small  detach- 
ment of  soldiers  was  also  sent  on  an  expedition  to  the 
north,  to  the  province  of  Quirix,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  at  first  fled  from  fear ;  but  being  re-assured,  re- 
turned to  their  homes. 

Meanwhile  Coronado  was  impatiently  awaiting  the 
opening  of  the  spring,  so  that  he  could  proceed  on  his 
expedition  and  reach  the  wonderful  land  to  the  east,  of 
which  the  Turk  gave  such  glowing  descriptions — and 
especially  the  great  city  of  Quivira,  which  that  vera- 
cious informant  said  abounded  in  gold  and  silver.  The 
season,  however,  was  an  unusually  severe  one,  the  river 
(Puerco)  remaining  frozen  for  no  less  than  four  months, 
and  the  ice  being  thick  enough  to  bear  the  weight  of  a 
horse;  but  the  General  did  not  dare  at-tempt  a  passage 
until  it  had  thawed.  At  length,  on  the  5th  of  May 
(1542),  the  army  broke  camp  and  started  on  its  march 
.trom  Tiguex  to  Cicuye.  Coronado  took  with  him  the  chief 


CORONADO.  135 

"  Bigotes,"  and  restored  him  to  liberty  at  the  latter 
town,  amid  the  great  rejoicings  of  the  people.  Indeed, 
so  pleased  were  they  at  the  restoration  of  their  favorite 
that  they  furnished  the  whole  Spanish  army  with  a 
bountiful  supply  of  provisions;  and  the  two  released 
prisoners,  the  cacique  and  the  chief,  presented  to  the 
General  a  young  man  named  Xabe,  who  was  a  native  of 
Quivira,  to  act  as  guide  on  the  expedition.  This  young 
man  confirmed  the  statements  of  the  Turk  as  to  the 
existence  of  gold  and  silver  in  that  noted  city,  but  said 
that  the  amount  was  far  less  than  had  been  stated.  But 
while  Coronado  seems  to  have  felt  implicit  confidence  in 
all  the  stories  told  by  the  Turk,  many  of  the  Spaniards 
had  begun  to  distrust  him  very  greatly  ;  and  Cervantes, 
who  had  the  care  of  him,  even  asserted  that  he  knew 
him  to  have  dealings  with  the  devil.  He  himself,  how- 
ever, never  varied  in  his  statements,  nor  allowed  any 
expressions  of  incredulity  to  abate  one  iota  from  the 
extravagant  estimates  which  he  gave  of  the  wealth  of 
Quivira  and  the  East. 

After  a  brief  stay  at  Cicuye  the  army  recommenced 
its  march,  and  after  crossing  some  mountains,  came  to 
a  great  river,  which  they  called  the  River  of  Cicuye, 
and  which  was  unquestionably  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio 
del  Norte,  of  modern  times.  As  this  stream  was  too 
deep  to  be  forded,  the  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  con- 
struct a  bridge,  which  occupied  four  days ;  after  which 
the  army  crossed  to  the  easterly  side.  The  exact  lo- 
cality of  this  crossing  cannot  be  determined  now,  but 
was  probably  in  the  vicinity  of  Santo  Domingo,  Pena 
Blanca,  or  Cochiti;  that  is,  a  little  south  of  west  of 
Banta  Fe.  They  now  marched  on  over  a  rugged  country, 
but  without  special  adventures,  for  ten  days ;  when  they 
3ame  to  the  camp  of  some  Indians,  of  a  nomadic  tribe 
called  Querechos,  "who  lived  like  Arabs,"  and  whose 
tents  were  made  of  buffalo -skins.  These  showed  no 
surprise  or  timidity  at  sight  of  the  Spaniards,  but  cooly 


136  CORONADO. 

came  out  of  their  tents  to  ascertain  who  they  were,  and 
then  going  directly  to  the  advance  guard,  asked  to  see 
the  chief.  When  brought  to  Coronado,  they  showed  great 
intelligence,  and  expressed  themselves  so  clearly  by 
signs  that  all  that  they  wished  to  say  could  be  under- 
stood as  distinctly  as  if  they  had  spoken,  and  there  was 
no  need  of  an  interpreter.  They  reported  that  far  to 
the  east,  the  expedition  would  find  a  very  large  river, 
whose  length  was  so  great  that  one  could  follow  its 
banks  for  ninety  days  without  leaving  an  inhabited 
country.  They  added  that  the  first  village  arrived  at 
was  named  Haxa,  and  that  the  river  was  more  than  a 
league  wide.  They  confirmed  all  that  the  Turk  had 
told  and  promised;  but  as  this  was  not  until  after  they 
had  had  a  conversation  with  that  worthy,  the  incred- 
ulous among  the  Spaniards  were  not  much  affected 
thereby.  The  next  morning  these  Indians  broke  up 
their  camp  and  disappeared,  carrying  all  that  they  pos- 
sessed on  the  backs  of  dogs,  of  which  they  had  a  multi- 
tude; but  two  days  afterwards  they  were  again  met 
further  out  on  the  prairie. 

The  army  had'  now  reached  the  great  plain  east  of 
the  mountains,  which  was  covered  with  such  enormous 
droves  of  buffaloes  that  Castaneda  says  "the  number 
was  incredible."  When  attacked  by  the  soldiers,  they 
would  fly  in  such  crowds  and  confusion  that  one  would 
fall  over  another,  and  thus  very  many  were  killed.  At 
one  place,  while  thus  running  from  an  attack  by  horse- 
men, they  came  to  a  great  ravine,  and  not  being  able  to 
stop  in  their  course,  with  the  multitude  in  the  rear 
pushing  them  on,  so  many  fell  into  the  chasm  that  it 
was  completely  filled  up,  and  formed  a  bridge  for  the 
remainder  of  the  frightened  herd  to  cross.  The  Spanish 
horsemen  who  were  pursuing  came  upon  this  without 
observing  it,  and  in  a  moment  were  entangled  in  the 
frenzied  and  struggling  mass.  A  number  of  horses  were 
disabled  or  lost,  and  the  men  with  difficulty  extri- 


CORONADO.  137 

cated    themselves    from    this    novel    and    unexpected 
danger. 

The  plains  were  perfectly  flat  and  covered  with 
grass,  and  of  such  a  character  that  no  permanent  trail 
was  left  even  by  the  passage  of  the  whole  army.  Mon- 
uments of  stone  had  to  be  raised  at  frequent  intervals 
in  order  to  guide  stragglers,  and  even  with  these  pre- 
cautions several  soldiers  were  lost  and  never  returned. 
The  army  kept  on  its  march  "in  the  same  direction," 
says  Castaneda,  "  as  pursued  since  leaving  Cicuye — that 
is  to  say,  towards  the  north-north-east,"  daily  hoping 
to  see  some  signs  of  the  town  of  Haxa,  which  the  Turk 
assured  them  was  not  far  distant.  Faith  in  the  latter 
was  now  greatly  diminished  in  the  minds  even  of  the 
most  sanguine,  especially  as  another  Indian,  named 
Sopete,  who  was  also  a  native  of  the  east,  gave  a  very 
different  and  far  less  glowing  account  of  the  regions  to 
be  found  in  that  direction.  In  order  if  possible  to  get 
some  further  information  regarding  the  famous  city  of 
Quivira,  which  was  now  the  special  goal  of  the  expe- 
dition, Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado  was  sent  in  advance  to 
explore  the  country.  While  absent  on  this  excursion, 
Maldonado  came  to  a  great  ravine,  in  which  he  found  a 
large  encampment  of  Indians,  who  told  him  that  they 
had  been  visited  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  on 
their  journey  some  years  before.  They  brought  to 
Maldonado  a  great  quantity  of  skins,  and  presented  him 
with  a  tent  "  as  large  as  a  house,"  and  many  other 
things.  Don  Rodrigo  sent  a  messenger  to  Coronado 
telling  him  of  the  circumstances  and  urging  him  to 
come  that  way.  When  the  General  had  arrived  and 
saw  the  vast  quantity  of  skins,  he  determined  to  divide 
them  equally  among  all  the  soldiers ;  but  a  few  having 
been  taken  in  advance,  the  men  feared  that  a  fair  divis- 
ion would  not  be  made,  and  so  made  a  rush  to  secure 
all  that  they  could.  A  general  scramble  ensued,  and  in 
less  than  fifteen  minutes  not  a  skin  remained  of  the 


138  CORONADO. 

whole  store.  At  this  the  Indians  were  amazed,  as  they 
had  supposed  that  these  white  men  would  simply  bless 
the  skins  and  then'  restore  them,  as  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had 
done,  and  the  women  and  children  cried  over  the  loss 
bitterly. 

The  part  of  the  plains  where  the  army  now  was,  was 
well  populated;  in  one  place,  which  they  called  Cona, 
they  passed  an  almost  continuous  succession  of  cabins 
or  tents  for  three  *days.  Various  fruit-trees  and  vines 
were  found,  including  grapes  and  plums.  They  passed 
a  number  of  great  ravines  or  canons,  one  of  which  was 
a  league  in  width,  a  little  stream  running  through  a 
fertile  valley  between  the  walls.  The  natives  here, 
with  whom  the  Turk  was  prevented  from  communicat- 
ing, gave  a  very  different  account  from  his  of  the 
country  beyond,  so  that  Sopete  gained  in  credit  while 
the  Turk  lost.  The  Indians  were  very  intelligent  and 
treated  their  wives  with  special  consideration.  The 
women  were  well  dressed,  and  wore  a  mantle  or  cloak  of 
leather,  with  neatly  ornamented  sleeves,  over  their  other 
clothing. 

The  army  had  now  marched  for  thirty-seven  days, 
making  six  or  seven  leagues  a  day  ;  the  distance  being 
measured  by  counting  the  steps.  They  calculated  that 
from  Tiguex  to  the  last  village  in  the  valley  of  the 
canon  was  250  leagues.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  all  the  statements  of  distance  made  by  the 
early  explorers  are  greatly  overestimated ;  and  also  that 
travelling  as  Coronado  did,  over  mountains  and 
across  plains  without  any  road  to  guide,  the  route  was 
often  circuitous  and  far  longer  than  was  necessary.  As 
nearly  as  can  be  ascertained,  the  Spaniards  were  now 
marching  near  some  of  the  branches  of  the  Canadian,  the 
large  canons  seen  corresponding  with  some  of  those  in 
North-eastern  New  Mexi-co;  and  this  agrees  with  thp 
general  direction  of  their  march,  and  the  ultimate  ar- 
rival at  Quivira.  Provisions  were  beginning  to  bo  ex- 


CORONADO.  139 

hausted,  with  no  prospect  of  any  immediate  opportunity 
to  procure  new  supplies,  and  altogether  the  situation 
was  so  serious  that  the  General  called  a  oouncil  of  war 
to  determine  the  future  course  of  the  expedition. 
After  considerable  discussion  it  was  determined  that 
Coronado,  with  thirty  horsemen  and  six  soldiers  on  foot, 
should  proceed  with  the  search  for  Quivira,  and  that  the 
rest  of  the  army  should  return  to  Tiguex  under  Tristan 
de  Arellano.  This  arrangement,  however,  was  far  from 
satisfactory  to  the  soldiers,  by  whom  the  General  was 
much  beloved,  and  they  besought  him  not  to  abandon 
them,  declaring  that  they  were  ready  to  follow  him 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  die  with  him  if  necessary. 
He  could  not  be  moved  however ;  but  promised  to  let 
them  know  in  a  week's  time  whether  they  could  rejoin 
him. 

No  delay  was  now  made  in  setting  out.  The  best 
mounted  and  most  robust  men  were  selected  for  the 
escort,  and  several  Indian  guides  taken,  besides  Sopete 
and  the  Turk ;  the  latter  in  chains,  as  punishment  for 
his  willful  misrepresentation.  They  travelled  as  rapidly 
as  was  practicable,  but  no  less  than  forty-eight  days 
were  occupied  in  crossing  the  plains  to  Quivira. 
"  They  never  lacked  for  drink,"  Jaramillo  tells  us, 
"marching  continually  in  the  midst  of  cows 
(buffaloes),  whose  number  constantly  increased."  Just 
before  arriving  at  their  journey's  end  they  reached 
and  crossed  a  great  river,  and  Quivira  itself  seems  to 
have  consisted  of  a  succession  of  towns  and  villages  sit- 
uated on  small  streams  which  ran  into  this  main  river. 
But  after  all  this  long  journey  a  great  disappointment 
awaited  them ;  for  the  inhabitants  possessed  neither 
gold  nor  silver,  and  indeed  had  scarcely  any  knowledge 
of  metals.  The  Ruler  wore  on  his  breast  a  plate  of  cop- 
per, which  he  prized  very  highly ;  but  this  was  the  ex- 
tent of  the  existence  even  of  the  more  common  metals. 
Naturally  incensed  at  the  utter  falsehood  of  all  tho 


140  CORONADO. 

statements  of  the  Turk,  the  Spaniards  asked  him  as  to 
his  motive  in  thus  deceiving  them  ;  and  he,  seeing  that 
there  was  nothing  to  be  gained  by  further  deception, 
acknowledged  that  he  had  done  so  at  the  request  of 
the  people  of  Cicuye,  who  wished  the  strangers  to  be  led 
astray  on  the  great  plains  so  that  their  horses  would 
perish,  and  the  soldiers  be  exhausted  by  long  marches 
and  fatigue,  and  that  thus  on  their  return  they  could 
easily  be  overcome  and  destroyed.  On  hearing  this,  and 
fearing  that  if  at  liberty  the  Turk  might  cause  new 
trouble  with  the  people  of  Quivira,  the  Spaniards 
strangled  that  imposter ;  to  the  great  satisfaction,  we  are 
told,  of  Sopete. 

Coronado  seems  not  to  have  remained  a  very  long 
time  at  Quivira,  the  object  of  his  present  expedition 
having  been  simply  to  find  the  location  of  the  city  and 
its  surroundings  with  a  view  of  returning  with  his 
entire  army.  He  says  in  his  letter  or  report  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.  "  The  inhabitants  recognized  your 
majesty,  and  submitted  themselves  to  the  power  of  their 
rightful  master."  At  the  furthest  point  that  was 
reached  in  exploring  the  city,  the  General  erected  a 
great  cross  with  this  inscription:  "  Francisco  Vasquez 
de  Coronado,  commander  of  an  expedition,  arrived  at 
this  place."  Castaneda  tells  us  scarcely  anything  of 
the  city  itself,  except  that  the  houses  were  round  and 
without  solid  walls,  that  the  roofs  were  made  of  straw, 
and  that  under  these  the  people  slept  and  kept 
their  valuables.  Their  villages,  he  says,  resembled 
those  of  New  Spain,  and  their  names  and  customs  were 
similar  to  those  of  the  Teyas  Indians,  who  were  met  on 
the  plains,  and  at  the  camp  in  the  wide  canon.  The 
whole  surrounding  country  was  well  populated,  and 
produced  plants  and  fruits  similar  to  those  of  Spain; 
among  these  were  plums,  grapes,  mulberries,  and 
various  grains,  together  with  wild  flax.  Quivira  was 
surrounded  by  other  populous  provinces,  but  these  were 


CORONADO.  141 

not  visited.  It  would  be  impossible  from  what  is  told 
us  by  Castaneda  alone  to  fix  its  location  with  any  cer- 
tainty. He  says  it  was  situated  "in  the  midst  of  the 
countries  which  adjoined  the  mountains  that  skirt  the 
sea;"  and  another  illustration  of  the  indefinite  geographi- 
cal ideas  entertained  at  that  time  is  found  in  the  follow- 
ing sentence:  "It  is  in  this  country  that  the  great  river 
of  Espiritu  Santo,  which  Fernando  de  Soto  discovered  in 
Florida,  takes  its  rise ;  it  afterwards  passes  through  a 
province  called  Arache.  Its  sources  were  not  seen;  they 
are  very  distant  and  on  the  slope  of  the  mountain  range 
which  borders  the  plains.  It  traverses  them  entirely,  as 
well  as  the  Atlantic  range  (cordillera  de  la  mer  du  nord); 
and  its  mouth  is  300  leagues  from  the  place  where  De 
Soto  and  his  comrades  embarked."  One  tning  appears 
'distinctly,  however,  that  Quivira  was  on  t~ieedge  of  the 
great  plain  or  prairie,  that  from  it  the  mountains  first 
became  visible,  and  that  it  was  situated  on  small 
streams,  just  east  of  a  great  river.  Jaramillo,  a  captain 
in  Coronado's  army,  describes  the  houses  as  follows : 
u  The  houses  are  of  straw,  very  many  being  circular  in 
shape.  .The  straw  reaches  almost  to  the  ground,  like 
walls;  on  the  outside  on  top  is  a  kind  of  chapel  or  cupola, 
having  an  entrance,  where  the  Indians  sit  or  lie  down." 
This  description,  together  with  the  direction  taken,  and 
the  distance  travelled,  make  it  almost  beyond  question 
that  it  was  the  same  city  of  Quivira  which  Penalosa 
crossed  the  plains  to  visit  120  years  later,  and  the  route 
followed  cannot  have  been  far  different.  Forty-eight 
days,  march  from  the  canons  of  the  Canadian  would 
carry  Coronado  to  the  Missouri  without  difficulty,  and 
all  things  considered,  we  can  well  believe  that  he  trav- 
ersed parts  of  the  Indian  Territory  and  Kansas,  and 
finally  stopped  on  the  borders  of  Missouri,  somewhere 
between  Kansas  City  and  Council  Bluffs.  Of  the  great 
country  of  which  this  was  the  key,  in  the  language  of 
Castaneda,  "  God  reserved  its  discovery  for  others.  He 


142  CORONADO.  x 

only  permitted  us  to  boast  of  being  the  first  who  had 
any  knowledge  of  it.  In  the  same  way  Hercules  first 
discovered  the  place  where  Cesar  was  afterwards  to 
found  Seville.  May  the  Lord's  will  be  done  !  " 

Meanwhile  the  main  body  of  the  army,  which  had 
been  left  by  Coronado  in  the  valley  encampment,  under 
Arellano,  had  returned  to  Tiguex.  They  remained  for 
fifteen  days  at  the  camp  after  the  General  left  them,  kill- 
ing vast  numbers  of  buffaloes  and  losing  several  of  their 
men,  who  wandered  so  far  from  camp  as  not  to  be  able 
to  retrace  their  path;  and  then  having  received  orders 
by  a  messenger  from  Coronado,  commenced  their  march 
toward  the  west.  They  were  fortunate  in  having  better 
guides  than  before,  and  so  accomplished  in  twenty-five 
days  the  journey  which  had  occupied  thirty-seven  in  the 
other  direction.  The  route  was  more  southerly  than 
that  by  which  they  went,  and  passed  by  a  number  of 
salt  lakes,  which  are  probably  those  in  the  eastern  part 
of  Valencia  County,  bringing  them  to  the  Rio  Grande 
River  at  a  point  considerably  below  that  at  which  they 
had  crossed  on  the  bridge,  and  no  doubt  somewhere 
between  Albuquerque  and  Los  Lunas.  From  here  they 
followed  the  river  up  to  Cicuye;  but  finding  the  natives 
there  indisposed  to  furnish  any  provisions,  they  crossed 
over  to  Tiguex,  arriving  about  the  middle  of  July. 
During  their  absence  the  people  had  begun  to  return  to 
their  homes,  but  on  the  re-appearance  of  the  Spaniards, 
they  all  abandoned  them  again ;  every  attempt  to  inspire 
new  confidence  having  failed.  While  waiting  here  for 
news  from  Coronado,  Arellano  sent  exploring  parties 
into  different  parts  of  the  country,  for  the  double  purpose 
of  seeking  new  discoveries  and  obtaining  supplies  for 
the  winter.  Capt.  Francisco  de  Barrio-Nuevo  was  sent 
up  the  Jemez  River  as  far  as  the  towns  of  Jemez  and 
Yuqueyunque  ;  and  hearing  of  a  large  village  still  higher 
up,  they  went  on  to  that  and  found  a  very  considerable 
town  built  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  which  was  crossed 


CORONADO.  143 

on  bridges  made  of  well-squared  timber.  In  this  pueblo 
they  found  the  largest  estufas  which  they  had  seen,  the 
roofs  being  supported  by  large  wooden  pillars,  as  much 
as  twelve  feet  in  height.  This  town  was  called  by  the 
natives  Braba,  but  the  Spaniards  renamed  it  Valladolid. 
Another  officer  went  down  the  Puerco,  and  examined 
that  river  and  the  San  Jose,  discovering  four  more  towns, 
and  following  the  Puerco  until  it  sank  under-ground, 
as  the  Guadiana  does  in  Estramadura. 

At  length,  in  August,  the  General  arrived  at  Cicuye*, 
having  travelled  from  Quivira  by  a  shorter  and  better 
route  in  forty  days ;  and  continued  his  march  to  Tiguex, 
where  he  expected  to  recuperate  his  army  during  the 
winter-,  and  then  undertake  a  new  expedition  to  the 
regions  of  Quivira  and  even  beyond,  in  the  spring. 
Soon  after  his  arrival,  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  came  into 
camp  with  the  expected  re-inforcements  from  San 
Geronimo.  They  came  with  high  expectations  of  join- 
ing in  the  conquest  of  a  land  rich  in  gold  and  silver, 
and  were  much  disappointed  at  the  news  which  awaited 
them.  However,  they  became  reconciled  when  told  of 
the  great  expedition  planned  for  the  next  spring. 
Through  the  fall  and  winter  Coronado  busied  himself  in 
endeavoring  to  re-establish  friendly  relations  with  the 
people  of  Tiguex,  Cicuye",  and  the  surrounding  country, 
and  in  re-organizing  his  army  for  the  spring  campaign. 
The  soldiers  were  in  wretched  condition  from  their 
long  and  arduous  marches,  and  their  clothes  were  liter- 
ally in  tatters  ;  and  the  General  used  every  exertion  to 
procure  cotton  stuffs  from  the  natives  with  which  to 
furnish  new  suits  to  his  men.  His  attention  to  their 
comfort  made  him  the  idol  of  the  soldiers.  "  Never  was 
a  general  more  beloved  and  better  obeyed,"  says 
Castaneda.  This  very  attention  to  the  wants  of  the 
privates  caused  dissensions  between  himself  and  his 
officers,  who  were  too  apt  to  show  favoritism  and  to 
place  additional  burdens  on  those  whom  they  did  not 


144  CORONADO. 

like ;  and  once  or  twice  these  difficulties  became  so 
annoying  that  the  general  threatened  to  abandon  the 
expedition. 

But  when  the  spring  came,  all  thoughts  were  turned 
towards  the  new  discoveries  and  conquests  that  were 
projected.  Orders  were  issued  for  the  army  to  be  in  im- 
mediate readiness  to  march.  But  just  at  this  moment 
occurred  an  accident  which  changed  somewhat  the 
course  of  history.  On  a  festival  day,  when  various 
athletic  and  martial  sports  were  indulged  in,  Coronado 
was  showing  his  expertness  in  the  favorite  game  of  run- 
ning at  a  ring,  and  was  accompanied  by  Don  Pedro 
Maldonado.  While  his  horse  was  running  at  full  speed, 
the  saddle-girth  broke,  and  the  General  was  precipitated 
to  the  ground  in  front  of  the  horse  of  Don  Pedro  ;  and 
the  latter,  in  trying  to  spring  over  him,  gave  him  a 
violent  kick  on  the  head,  which  came  near  proving  fa- 
tal, and  confined  him  to  his  bed  for  a  long  time.  This, 
of  course,  put  a  stop  to  all  preparations  for  the  advance, 
and  caused  a  feeling  of  despondency  among  the  soldiers. 
Coronado's  own  anxiety  was  added  to  by  bad  news  from 
a  part  of  his  army  left  near  the  Sonora  frontier ;  and  he 
began  to  wish  that  he  was  at  home,  to  suffer,  and  if  need 
be  to  die,  in  the  midst  of  his  own  family.  Many  of  the 
officers  for  various  reasons  were  anxious  to  return  to 
Mexico,  and  they  obtained  a  petition  from  the  soldiers 
asking  an  abandonment  of  the  expedition.  On  receiv- 
ing this,  the  General  called  a  council  of  his  officers, 
which  decided  that,  as  they  had  failed  to  find  any  treas- 
ures, or  even  a  country  fertile  enough  to  be  divided 
among  the  soldiers,  it  would  be  best  to  return  ;  and  new 
orders  were  immediately  issued  to  prepare  for  the 
march.  But  no  sooner  was  this  determined  than  the 
eoldiers  repented  of  their  action,  and  begged  to  have  the 
order  revoked.  But  Coronado  would  not  accede  to  this, 
and  to  avoid  importunity,  shut  himself  up  in  a  house, 
with  sentinels  at  the  door.  A  number  of  the  officers 


COBONADO.  145 

also  regretted  the  action,  on  second  thought,  and  pro- 
posed to  the  General,  either  to  leave  them  sixty  soldiers, 
with  which  small  number  they  engaged  to  hold  the 
country  until  re-inforcement  came }  or  for  him  to  take 
sixty  men  himself  as  an  escort,  leaving  the  remainder 
of  the  army  under  a  new  commander,  who  could  prose- 
cute the  explorations  and  conquest.  But  the  soldiers 
objected  to  this  separation,  and  so  nothing  was  done. 

At  last  the  day  of  departure  arrived,  and  the  army 
set  out  on  its  return  march,  in  the  beginning  of  April, 
1543.  Two  of  the  missionaries,  however,  expressed  their 
desire  to  remain,  Juan  de  Padilla,  a  Franciscan,  who 
desired  to  travel  to  Quivira,  and  Luis,  a  lay  brother, 
who  wished  to  stay  at  Cicuye.  They  were  both  pious 
men,  and  full  of  zeal  in  the  work  of  propagating  the 
faith,  and  could  not  bear  to  leave  this  great  country 
devoid  of  any  Christian  teaching.  They  were  sent  under 
an  escort  to  Cicuye,  and  from  there  Friar  Juan,  accom- 
panied by  a  Portuguese,  a  negro,  and  some  Mexican 
Indians,  proceeded  to  Quivira,  where  he  was  martyred 
before  even  entering  the  town.  Friar  Luis  was  last  seen 
by  some  soldiers  who  were  sent  to  him  with  sheep  by  Cor- 
onado,  on  his  way  to  visit  a  settlement  some  dozen  miles 
from  Cicuye".  Let  us  hope  that  the  good  wishes  of  the 
early  historian  were  verified  in  his  case.  "  He  was  a 
man  of  good  and  holy  life,"  says  Castaneda  ;  "  I  hope 
that  our  Lord  graciously  permitted  him  to  convert  some 
of  those  nations,  and  that  he  ended  his  days  in  feeding 
his  spiritual  flock." 

On  the  homeward  march  scarcely  anything  oc- 
curred worthy  of  special  mention.  The  troops  rested 
for  a  few  days  at  Cibola,  and  several  of  the  Mexi- 
can Indians  concluded  to  remain  there  and  make 
it  their  home.  At  Chichilticale  they  met  Juan  Gallegos 
with  re-inforcements  and  munitions,  and  again  the  plan 
of  returning  to  Quivira  was  agitated  ;  but  nothing  could 
be  accomplished.  As  the  army  neared  the  settlements 


1 46  CORONADO. 

of  New  Spain,  discipline  became  relaxed,  and  the  author- 
ity of  the  General  much  impaired.  After  passing 
Culiacan  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  soldiers  together  at 
all ;  desertions  were  constant,  and  when  Coronado 
arrived  at  the  City  of  Mexico,  he  could  barely  muster 
100  men.  He  was  coldly  received  by  the  Viceroy,  who 
was  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  result  of  the  expe- 
dition ;  but  yet  was  given  a  regular  discharge.  He  had 
lost  his  high  reputation  as  a  soldier,  however,  and  soon 
after  was  deprived  of  his  Governorship.  Thus  ended 
this  expedition,  which,  though  barren  of  results  at  the 
time,  will  never  fail  to  be  of  interest  as  giving  to  us  the 
first  accurate  account  of  the  towns  and  the  people  of 
New  Mexico. 

It  seems  proper,  before  leaving  the  history  of  this 
expedition,  to  give  a  description  of  one  of  the  Pueblo 
towns  of  that  day,  as  stated  by  Castaneda.  .  He  de- 
scribes a  number  of  them  in  his  narrative — particularly 
Cibola,  Tiguex,  and  Cicuye;  but  the  account  given  of 
the  second  seems  to  contain  the  most  of  interest.  These 
descriptions  are  specially  valuable  in  order  to  compare  the 
manners  and  customs  of  these  people  nearly  three  centu- 
ries and  a  half  ago  with  those  of  their  descendants  that 
exist  to-day.  Speaking  of  the  towns  in  the  Province  of 
Tiguex,  he  says:  "The  houses  are  built  in  common. 
The  women  mix  the  mortar  and  build  the  walls.  The 
men  bring  the  wood  and  construct  the  frames.  They 
have  no  lime,  but  they  make  a  mixture  of  ashes,  earth, 
and  charcoal,  which  takes  its  place  very  well;  for  al- 
though they  build  their  houses  four  stories  high,  the 
walls  are  not  more  than  three  feet  thick.  The  young 
men  who  are  not  yet  married  serve  the  public  in  gen- 
eral. They  go  after  fire-wood,  and  pile  it  up  in  the 
oourt  or  plaza,  where  the  women  go  to  get  it  for  the  use 
of  their  houses.  They  live  in  the  estufas,  which  are 
under-ground  in  the  plazas  of  the  villages ;  and  of  which 


CORONADO.  147 

some  are  square  and  some  are  round.  The  roofs  are 
supported  by  pillars  made  of  the  trunks  of  pine-trees. 
I  have  seen  some  with  twelve  pillars,  each  of  twelve 
feet  in  circumference;  but  usually  they  have  only  four 
pillars.  They  are  paved  with  large  polished  stones,  like 
the  baths  of  Europe.  In  the  center  is  a  fire-place,  with 
a  fire  burning  therein,  on  which  they  throw  from  time 
to  time  a  handful  o£  sage,  which  suffices  to  keep  up  the 
heat,  so  that  one  is  kept  as  if  in  a  bath.  The  roof  is  on 
a  level  with  the  ground.  Some  of  these  estufas  are  as 
large  as  a  tennis-court.  When  a  young  man  marries, 
it  is  by  order  of  the  aged  men  who  govern.  He  has  to 
spin  and  weave  a  mantle ;  they  then  bring  the  young 
girl  to  him,  he  covers  her  shoulders  with  it,  and  she 
becomes  his  wife.  The  houses  belong  to  the  women, 
and  the  estufas  to  the  men.  The  womeci  are  forbidden 
to  sleep  in  them,  or  even  to  enter,  except  to  bring  food 
to  their  husbands  or  sons.  The  men  spin  and  weave  ; 
the  women  take  care  of  the  children  and  cook  the  food. 
The  soil  is  so  fertile  that  it  does  not  need  to  be  worked 
when  they  sow ;  the  snow,  falling,  covers  the  seed,  and 
the  corn  starts  underneath.  The  harvest  of  one  year  is 
sufficient  for  seven.  When  they  begin  to  sow,  the  fields 
are  still  covered  with  corn  that  has  not  yet  been  gath- 
ered. Their  villages  are  very  neat;  the  houses  are  well 
distributed,  and  kept  in  good  order;  one  room  is  devoted 
to  cooking,  and  another  to  grinding  grain.  The  latter  is 
apart,  and  contains  a  fire-place,  and  three  stones  set  in 
masonry;  three  women  sit  down  before  the  stones;  the 
first  breaks  the  grain,  the  second  crushes  it,  and  the 
third  grinds  it  entirely  to  powder.  In  all  the  province 
glazed  pottery  abounded;  and  the  vases  were  of  reaHy 
curious  form  and  workmanship."  The  buildings  at 
Cicuye  were  described  as  follows:  "  The  town  is  built 
in  a  square,  around  a  plaza  in  the  center,  in  which  were 
the  estufas.  The  houses  are  four  stories  high;  the  roofs 
arranged  in  terraces,  all  of  the  same  height,  so  that  the 


148  COBONADO. 

people  could  make  a  tour  of  the  whole  town  without 
having  to  cross  a  single  street.  To  the  first  two  stories 
there  is  a  corridor  in  the  form  of  a  balcony,  which  also 
passes  completely  around  the  town,  and  under  which 
was  a  pleasant  place  to  sit  in  the  shade.  The  houses 
'  have  no  doors  below,  but  were  entered  by  movable  lad- 
ders which  reached  to  the  balconies  on  the  inside  of  the 
square." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    EXPEDITION   OF    FRIAR   RUIZ. 

AFTER  the  unsuccessful  expedition  of  Coronado,  no 
further  attempts  were  made  to  penetrate  into  New 
Mexico  for  many  years.  So  many  discoveries  were 
being  made  in  Central  and  South  America,  of  new  lands 
which  promised  rich  returns  to  the  explorer  or  con- 
queror, that  the  adventurous  spirits  of  the  time  found 
ample  field  for  the  exercise  of  their  enterprise  and  prow- 
ess without  returning  to  any  region  which  had  already 
been  the  scene  of  failure.  When  we  consider  how  re- 
mote the  Land  of  the  Seven  Cities  was  from  the  City  of 
Mexico,  we  may  well  be  surprised,  not  at  the  lapse  of 
time  between  expeditions  for  its  exploration,  conver- 
sion, or  conquest,  but  that  within  so  few  years  after  the 
fall  of  Montezuma  it  should  have  been  reached  at  all. 
Compared  with  the  slow  advance  of  the  English  col- 
onists on  the  Atlantic  coast  towards  the  Mississippi 
Valley  and  the  interior  of  the  continent,  the  swiftness 
with  which  the  adventurous  cavaliers  of  Spain  pen- 
etrated to  the  upper  Rio  Grande  is  a  marvel.  There 
are  traditions  and  some  vague  written  accounts  of  mis- 
sionary journeys  made  by  zealous  monks  who  passed 
the  boundaries  of  New  Mexico  in  the  interval,  but 
nothing  of  certainty  or  importance  until  the  coming 
of  Friar  Ruiz,  forty  years  after  the  departure  of  Cor- 
onado. 

In  the  year  1581  Agustin  Ruiz,  a  Franciscan  Friar, 
living  at  San  Bartolome,  in  north-eastern  Mexico,  heard 
from  certain  Indians  who  came  from  the  country  around 
the  Concho  River,  that  far  to  the  north  there  were 
several  large  and  rich  provinces  which  the  Spaniards 


150  FRIAR  RUIZ. 

had  never  visited.  So  much  was  said  as  to  the  impor- 
tance and  population  of  this  unknown  country  that 
Ruiz  was  much  interested,  and  finally  determined,  if 
possible,  to  penetrate  that  region  and  carry  a  knowledge 
of  Christianity  to  the  thousands  who  were  then  living 
in  heathenism.  With  this  view  he  made  application  for 
permission  to  undertake  the  enterprise  to  both  the  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities,  and  this  having  been 
granted,  he  lost  no  time  in  arranging  to  start  on  his 
benevolent  mission.  Two  other  Franciscans,  named 
Francisco  Lopez  arid  Juan  de  Santa  Maria,  accompanied 
him,  and  they  had  as  an  escort  a  squad  of  twelve  sol- 
diers under  command  of  a  captain,  these  last  being  also 
directed  to  make  diligent  inquiries  for  any  mines  that 
might  be  near  their  line  of  march.  All  things  being 
prepared,  they  started  toward  the  north,  and  after  a 
march  of  about  500  miles,  arrived  among  the  Pueblo  vil- 
lages on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  continued  up  the  valley 
of  that  river  until  they  reached  the  town  of  Puara,  long 
since  destroyed,  but  which  then  stood  about  eight  miles 
north  of  the  site  of  Albuquerque.  Here  the  soldiers  be- 
came alarmed  at  their  position  in  the  midst  of  such  a 
large  native  population,  and  at  so  great  a  distance  from 
support  or  succor,  and  refused  to  go  any  further; — in- 
deed, they  insisted  on  an  immediate  return  to  Mexico. 
The  Franciscans  endeavored  to  persuade  them  to  go  on, 
but  without  effect;  and  the  soldiers  in  turn  tried  to  in- 
duce the  Friars  to  go  back  with  them,  but  they  were 
equally  determined.  So  they  separated;  the  soldiers  of 
the  king  returned  to  the  ease  and  security  of  their  gar- 
rison life,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  )ss  went  forward, 
braving  hardships,  and  danger,  and  death,  to  carry  the 
words  of  salvation  to  the  heathen  nations  around. 

The  Friars  went  as  far  as  the  G-alisteo  River,  where 
there  was  an  important  pueblo,  being  everywhere 
received  with  welcome  and  hospitality ;  and  then  con- 
cluded, as  the  country  was  so  inviting  and  the  people  so 


FRIAR  RUIZ.  151 

ready  to  receive  instruction,  to  send  one  of  their  num- 
ber back  to  Mexico  in  order  to  bring  more  of  the  breth- 
ren, and  thus  enable  the  work  to  go  on  with  greater  effi- 
ciency. Brother  Juan  de  Santa  Maria  volunteered  to 
undertake  the  journey,  and  the  other  two  brethren 
returned  to  Puara,  as  the  best  point  at  which  to  learn 
the  Indian  languages.  Friar  Juan  crossed  the  Sandia 
Mountains  with  the  intention  of  proceeding  directly 
south  to  El  Paso  from  the  Salt  Lalies,  that  being  a  pref- 
erable route  to  the  one  by  the  river;  but  on  the  third 
day,  when  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Pablo,  and  while  rest- 
ing under  a  tree,  he  was  killed  by  some  Indians,  who 
afterwards  burned  his  remains.  The  two  other  Friars 
pursued  their  studies  and  missionary  labors  at  Puara, 
until  Lopez  likewise  fell  a  victim  to  the  hatred  of  some 
of  the  natives,  being  killed  by  a  blow  on  the  head  while 
engaged  in  prayer,  in  a  secluded  spot  a  short  distance 
from  the  village.  No  doubt  it  had  been  determined  by 
some  of  those  in  authority  that  the  missionaries  should 
be  destroyed,  for  their  lives  were  blameless  and  they 
had  no  enemies ;  and  the  fate  of  these  Franciscans  brings 
to  mind  the  last  words  which  Brother  Luis  was  heard 
to  utter  not  quite  forty  years  before,  and  but  a  few 
miles  distant  up  the  Jemez  River  ;  that  "  all  the  Indians 
treated  him  kindly,  with  the  exception  of  the  old  men, 
who  disliked  him  and  would  probably  cause  him  to  be 
put  to  death." 

Friar  Ruiz  was  now  all  alone.  He  succeeded  in 
recovering  the  body  of  his  murdered  companion,  and 
gave  it  Christian  burial  at  the  pueblo ;  but  the  loss  was 
a  severe  blow  to  him,  and  he  felt  keenly  his  isolation 
and  the  danger  in  which  he  lived.  Still  he  resolutely 
determined  to  remain  at  his  post  as  long  as  life  lasted. 
The  Friar  had  a  faithful  friend  in  the  war-captain  of 
the  pueblo ;  and  he,  knowing  that  the  death  of  all  three 
of  the  missionaries  had  been  decreed,  endeavored  to  save 
Ruiz  by  removing  him  to  the  Pueblo  of  Santiago,  about 


152  EIAR  RUIZ. 

four  miles  further  up  the  Rio  Grande.  But  the  effort 
was  vain,  for  within  a  few  days  he  likewise  met  a  mar- 
tyr's fate,  and  his  body  was  thrown  into  the  river  as  food 
for  fishes.  Thus  ended  the  lives  of  these  three  devoted 
men,  who  came  to  christianize  a  great  province,  and 
were  destroyed  before  they  had  really  begun  the  work. 
But  their  labor  was  not  in  vain,  for  as  will  soon  appear, 
as  a  consequence  of  their  expedition,  followed  an  almost 
immediate  permanent  colonization  of  the  country ;  and 
the  proverb  that  tc  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed 
of  the  church"  was  illustrated  in  the  baptism,  within 
fifty  years,  of  over  34,000  Indians,  and  the  erection,  by 
the  Brethren  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  of  no  less  than 
forty-three  churches  in  New  Mexico. 

The  soldiers  who  returned  to  Mexico  from  Puara,  ar- 
rived in  safety  at  San  Bartolome,  and  reported  the  situa- 
tion in  which  the  three  Friars  had  been  left  by  them.  This 
caused  much  anxiety  among  the  Franciscans  generally, 
and  they  endeavored  to  have  relief  sent  to  their  breth- 
ren. Their  appeals  at  length  touched  the  heart  of  Don 
Antonio  de  Espejo,  a  wealthy  Spanish  cavalier,  then 
engaged  in  the  mines  at  Santa  Barbara ;  who  offered  his 
services  and  fortune  for  the  work,  if  proper  authority 
could  be  obtained  for  the  expedition.  This  was  soon 
arranged,  Governor  Ontnieros,  of  New  Biscay,  granting 
the  permission,  which  included  the  right  to  enlist  as 
many  soldiers  as  were  thought  necessary  for  the  success 
of  the  project. 


CHAPTEE  VII. 


THE    EXPEDITION  OF  ESPEJO. 

DON  ANTONIO  DE  ESPEJO  having  received  the 
proper  authorization  from  the  Governor  of  New 
Biscay,  lost  no  time  in  making  arrangements  for  the 
proposed  expedition  to  carry  relief  to  the  Franciscan 
missionaries  in  New  Mexico.  He  was  a  man  of  great 
energy  arid  large  resources,  and  possessed  the  confidence 
of  the  people  so  fully  that  soldiers  hastened  to  enlist 
under  his  banner;  so  that  in  a  very  short  time  all  the 
men  required  had  been  enrolled,  and  the  necessary 
stores  and  munitions  were  in  readiness.  Besides  the 
little  company  which  he  was  to  command,  he  took  with 
him  a  considerable  number  of  Indians  to  perform  the 
more  laborious  duties  of  the  march,  and  over  100  extra 
horses  and  mules  to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity.  The  ex- 
pedition set  out  from  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome,  on  the 
10th  of  December,  1582,  marching  directly  northward 
toward  New  Mexico.  The  first  tribe  that  they  encount- 
ered was  the  Conchos,  living  in  the  valley  of  the  Con- 
cho  River,  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  Chihuahua. 
These  people  extended  a  friendly  welcome,  and  their 
chiefs  sent  a  messenger  ahead  from  town  to  town  so 
that  the  inhabitants  should  be  ready  to  receive  the 
Spaniards.  Two  other  tribes,  known  as  the  Passaguates 
and  the  Tobosos,  were  passed  through  before  the  expedi- 
tion reached  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande.  All  of  these 
Indians  lived  in  rude  villages  of  houses  covered  with 
straw.  They  raised  corn  and  melons,  and  obtained  a 
good  deal  of  game,  especially  bears,  and  also  excellent 
fish  from  the  Concho  and  other  streams.  In  war  and 
in  the  chase  they  used  bows  and  arrows ;  and  their 


154  ESPEJO. 

government   was  of  a  simple   kind,   under   chiefs    or 
caciques. 

It  was  not  until  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  was 
reached  that  a  higher  grade  of  civilization  was  encount- 
ered. Here  Espejo  found  an  extensive  and  populous 
province,  called  by  the  natives  Humanos,  containing  a 
number  of  large  towns  of  superior  construction.  The 
houses  were  built  of  stone,  cemented  with  lime-mortar, 
and  covered  by  flat  roofs.  The  inhabitants  were  of 
large  stature  and  war -like  disposition,  and  the  first 
night  that  the  Spaniards  came  among  them,  they  at- 
tacked the  camp  and  killed  several  horses.  This  was 
probably  on  account  of  injuries  inflicted  by  previous 
expeditions  of  Europeans;  for  on  being  assured  that 
Espejo  meant  them  no  harm,  and  was  only  passing 
through  their  country,  they  expressed  entire  satisfac- 
tion, and  afforded  him  considerable  assistance.  This 
nation  was  so  extensive  that  the  Spaniards  were  twelve 
days  in  traversing  their  country;  but  after  the  first 
difficulty,  they  were  everywhere  well  received,  and 
treated  with  great  hospitality  —  the  Indians  not  only 
supplying  them  with  all  the  provisions  necessary,  but 
bringing  presents  of  hides  and  chamois-skins,  as  well 
dressed  as  those  of  Flanders.  Many  of  the  people 
brought  their  wives  and  children  to  the  priests  that 
they  might  bless  them,  and  in  other  ways  showed  that 
they  had  a  vague  knowledge  of  Christianity;  and  on 
being  asked  how  this  had  been  obtained,  it  appeared 
that  this  was  one  of  the  tribes  visited  by  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  nearly  fifty  years  before;  for  they  answered  that 
they  had  been  taught  by  three  white  men  and  a  negro, 
who  had  passed  that  way,  and  had  remained  a  number 
of  days  amojig  them 

Several  days'  journey  further  up  the  river,  Espejo 
came  to  another  large  and  populous  province;  the  in- 
habitants of  which  were  dressed  in  well-tanned  cham- 
ois-skins, and  had  many  beautifully- made  feather  or- 


ESPEJO.  155 

naments,  and  striped  cotton  stuffs,  which  they  offered 
in  trade  for  the  trinkets  of  the  Spaniards.  Beyond  this, 
was  another  province  still  more  important,  where  Espcjo 
stopped  for  three  days,  while  the  Indians  held  a  con- 
tinual festival — performing  dances  and  other  ceremo- 
nials in  manifestation  of  their  joy.  The  Spaniards 
then  came  to  a  long  stretch  of  uninhabited  country, 
covered  with  pifion  -  trees.,  and  which  occupied  fifteen 
days  of  their  journey;  at  the  end  of  which  they  found 
a  few  small  houses  roofed  with  straw.  About  thirty 
miles  above  this  they  began  to  see  some  more  important 
towns;  and  found  the  river  bordered  with  cottonwoods 
and  walnuts,  the  timber  being  in  some  places  as  much 
as  ten  miles  wide.  After  being  for  two  days  in  these 
groves,  the  expedition  arrived  at  a  province  containing 
ten  towns,  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  houses  here  were  four 
stories  high,  and  well  constructed ;  and  the  people  much 
more  civilized  than  those  below.  They  wore  ckrthing 
of  cotton  and  deer-skins — and  what  was  the  cause  of 
much  surprise,  boots  and  shoes,  with  soles  made  of  the 
strongest  and  best  leather.  They  were  idolaters — hav- 
ing images  which  they  worshiped,  although  the  chief 
objects  of  their  adoration  were  the  sun  and  heavenly 
bodies;  and  besides  public  chapels,  which  were  hand- 
somely painted  and  ornamented,  each  residence  had  an 
oratory  for  the  private  worship  of  its  own  household. 
The  people  were  industrious  and  thrifty.  One  chief 
gave  Espejo  no  less  than  4,000  bolls  of  cotton.  Appar- 
ently they  had  not  been  visited  by  any  expedition  be- 
fore, as  they  had  never  seen  horses;  and  at  first  sight 
were  inclined  to  treat  them  as  superior  beings.  This 
province  was  situated  a  short  distance  below  Albuquer- 
que, in  the  vicinity  of  the  Pueblo  of  Isleta,  which  may 
be  identical  with  one  of  the  towns. 

After  remaining  here  for  four  days  the  Spaniards 
resumed  their  march,  and  in  a  short  time  came  to  the 


156  ESPEJO. 

first  of  the  towns  of  the  Tegua  nation,  which  was  within 
a  few  miles  of  Puara,  the  scene  of  the  labors  and  martyr- 
dom of  the  Franciscan  missionaries.  Here  for  the  first 
time  they  received  news  of  the  death  of  the  Friars,  and 
were  greatly  disheartened  to  find  that  they  had  arrived 
too  late  to  be  of  service  in  protecting  them.  About  the 
same  time  the  people  of  Puara  heard  that  an  army  of 
Spaniards  was  approaching,  and  supposing  that  they 
had  come  to  avenge  the  death  of  the  priests,  they  deserted 
their  homes  and  fled  into  the  mountains.  With  the 
news  of  the  martyrdom  of  the  Franciscans,  the  avowed 
object  of  the  expedition  was  at  an  end.  A  consultation 
was  therefore  held  to  determine  on  the  course  to  be 
adopted,  and  after  some  discussion  it  was  decided  that 
the  surrounding  country  should  be  visited,  as  many 
flattering  accounts  were  heard  of  its  richness  and  the 
wealth  of  its  cities.  The  first  expedition  was  made  by 
Espejo  himself,  with  only  two  men,  who  travelled  west 
for  tw@  days  and  visited  a  province  containing  eleven 
towns  and  estimated  to  have  40,000  inhabitants,  which 
lay  in  the  direction  of  Cibola.  The  people  lived  com- 
fortably, having  great  herds  of  cattle,  and  raising  cotton 
and  many  articles  of  food.  The  Spaniards  also  found 
that  the  wealthier  classes  had  considerable  silver  and 
gold  in  their  houses.  They  were  well  received  by  the 
natives,  who  welcomed  them  both  in  words  and  more 
substantially  with  supplies  of  provisions. 

This  encouraged  Espejo  to  undertake  a  far  more  im- 
portant expedition.  He  proceeded  up  the  river  to  the 
province  of  the  Queres,  where  he  found  five  towns,  and 
estimated  the  people  at  14,000.  Continuing  to  march 
north,  the  next  province  reached  was  one  called  Cuna- 
mes,  which  also  contained  five  towns — Zia  being  the 
most  important.  This  town  at  that  time  contained 
eight  market-places  or  plazas,  and  the  houses  were  the 
best  that  the  Spaniards  had  seen,  being  plastered  and 
painted  many  colors.  In  all  respects  the  people  were  well 


ESPEJO.  157 

advanced  in  civilization,  and  among  other  manufactures 
had  beautiful  and  curious  mantles,  some  of  which  they 
presented  to  the  Spaniards.  Turning  westerly,  Espejo 
next  visited  a  neighboring  people  called  Amies,  who 
numbered  about  30,000  and  lived  in  seven  towns,  which 
were  similar  to  those  of  Cunames.  Continuing  on  fifteen 
leagues  further,  he  came  to  Acoma,  the  situation  of 
which  on  the  summit  of  its  high  rock  particularly  im- 
pressed the  Spaniards.  All  along  their  route  the  people 
had  received  them  most  hospitably;  but  Acoma  exceeded 
all  others  in  this  respect,  the  officials  bringing  various 
presents,  and  the  inhabitants  in  general  endeavoring  to 
entertain  them  with  characteristic  games  and  dances, 
which  occupied  three  days. 

From  here  Espejo  marched  directly  west  to  Zuni, 
where. he  found,  still  living,  three  of  the  Mexican  In- 
dians who  had  accompanied  Coronado,  and  who  on  the 
return  march  had  concluded  to  remain  atCibola.  Their 
names  were  Andrew,  of  Culiacan,  Gaspar,  of  Mexico,  and 
Antonio,  of  Guadalajara.  They  had  been  so  long  (forty 
years)  among  the  Cibolans  that  they  had  nearly  entirely 
forgotten  their  original  language ;  but  their  meeting 
with  the  new  expedition  of  Spaniards  was  a  most  inter- 
esting one.  Among  other  things  they  gave  Espejo  in- 
formation of  a  rich  and  populous  country  to  the  west- 
ward, which  Bordered  on  a  great  lake,  and  in  which  the 
precious  metals  abounded.  They  said  that  Coronado 
had  endeavored  to  reach  it,  but  had  been  forced  to  turn 
back  for  want  of  water.  Espejo  was  not  to  be  deterred 
by  the  ill  success  of  his  predecessor,  and  so,  taking  but 
nine  soldiers  with  him,  and  leaving  the  remainder  of 
the  army  at  Cibola,  he  started  on  the  march.  At  a  dis- 
tance of  twenty-eight  leagues  he  came  to  the  most  pop- 
ulous province  which  he  had  yet  visited,  as  he  estimated 
its  inhabitants  at  50,000,  and  which  was  no  doubt  the 
modern  Moqui.  Here  the  chiefs,  pursuing  somewhat 
the  same  course  which  they  adopted  in  the  time  of  Cor- 


158  ESPEJO. 

onado,  warned  the  Spaniards  not  to  approach  their 
towns  under  penalty  of  death ;  but  after  being  assured 
that  the  visit  was  altogether  friendly  and  pacific,  this 
policy  was  entirely  changed,  and  they  were  not  only  al- 
lowed to  enter,  but  received  with  special  honor.  No  less 
than  2,000  natives  came  out  from  the  first  town  to  wel- 
come the  strangers,  and  exchanges  of  presents,  of  all 
kinds  took  place,  the  festivities  continuing  a  number 
of  days. 

But  Espejo  was  anxious  to  visit  the  mining  district 
near  the  great  lake  of  which  he  had  been  told,  and  so 
taking  fresh  guides  he  set  out  again  to  the  westward, 
and  penetrated  the  country  for  forty-five  leagues,  until 
he  came  to  a  mine  containing  a  vein  of  silver  of  great 
width,  from  which  he  took  a  number  of  rich  specimens 
with  his  own  hands.  This  was  situated  in  a  mountain- 
ous region,  beyond  which  the  Indians  said  was  a  mighty 
river,  whose  width — in  their  usual  style  of  exaggeration — 
they  stated  to  be  eight  leagues !  This  was  no  doubt  the 
Colorado ;  but  the  constant  allusions  to  the  "  Great 
Lake  "  it  is  difficult  to  explain,  as  there  is  now  no  large 
body  of  water  in  that  region.  Whether  it  existed  only 
in  the  imagination  of  the  natives,  or  whether  at  that 
time  there  really  was  an  inland  sea  in  some  of  the  de- 
pressed portions  of  Arizona,  we  shall  probably  never 
know.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  Espejo  did  not 
see  the  lake,  and  none  of  the  other  early  travellers  allude 
to  it. 

Satisfied  now  of  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  country, 
the  commander  returned  to  Znni,  where  he  found  his 
army  in  good  health  and  spirits,  the  natives  having 
treated  them  with  great  kindness  and  generosity.  The 
conduct  of  the  troops  had  also  been  without  reproach,  so 
that  when  they  set  out  on  their  homeward  march,  the 
Indians  not  only  expressed  great  regret,  but  urged  them 
to  return  and  bring  other  Spaniards  with  them.  Re- 
turning once  more  to  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  the 


ESPEJO.  159 

main  body  of  tne  army  marched  south  to  Mexico,  leav- 
ing Espejo  with  a  small  number  of  chosen  companions 
to  prosecute  his  explorations.  This  time  he  went  to 
the  northeast,  and  found  a  province  containing  a  popu- 
lation of  about  25,000  people,  living  in  a  mountainous 
country  covered  with  pines,  or  pinons,  and  in  which 
mines  abounded.  It  is  impossible  now  to  fix  with  pre- 
cision the  location  of  this  province,  as  we  do  not  know 
the  point  from  which  the  explorer  started  on  this  last 
expedition ;  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  included  the 
Placer  mountains,  with  possibly  the  Cerrillos  to  the 
north,  and  part  of  the  Sandias  to  the  south.  Unfortu- 
nately the  narrative  does  not  even  state  what  kind  of 
mines  they  were  that  were  thus  abundant.  From  this 
point  Espejo  continued  his  march  to  another  province 
of  which  he  heard,  which  was  said  to  contain  about 
40,000  people,  called  Taiios,  But  here,  contrary  to  the 
pleasant  experience  he  had  heretofore  enjoyed,  the  In- 
dians refused  to  allow  him  to  enter  a  town,  or  to  supply 
him  with  any  provisions. 

This  cold  reception  seems  to  have  discouraged  him, 
or  at  all  events  led  him  to  realize  how  powerless  he 
would  be  with  his  handful  of  followers  in  the  midst  of 
populous  Indian  nations,  should  they  for  any  reason 
become  hostile.  So  he  determined"  to  return  to  Mexico, 
well  satisfied  however  that  the  country  was  far  too  rich 
and  inviting  to  be  neglected  in  the  future.  He  started 
early  in  July,  1584,  and  by  the  advice  of  guides  took 
the  homeward  route  by  the  Pecos,  instead  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  finding  in  its  valley  the  same  great  herds  of 
buffaloes  which  had  before  given  to  it  the  name  of  the 
"Rio  de  las  Vacas."  He  followed  the  Pecos  Valley  down 
into  what  is  now  north-western  Texas,  and  crossed  the 
Rio  Grande  to  the  Conchos,  and  so  on  to  New  Biscay ; 
whence  he  sent  a  full  account  of  his  discoveries  and  ad- 
ventures to  the  Spanish  court.  The  reports  brought 
back  by  the  members  of  the  expedition  spread  through- 


160 


ESPEJO. 


out  the  country,  and  aroused  a  new  and  strong  interest 
in  the  settlement  of  the  regions  to  the  north,  which  soon 
developed  itself  in  more  important  enterprises  and  the 
permanent  colonization  of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


COLONIZATION   UNDER   ONATE. 

THE  first  result  of  the  reports  of  the  mineral  riches 
of  New  Mexico,  brought  by  the  members  of  Espejo'g 
expedition,  was  the  departure  of  a  small  party,  under  a 
leader  named  Humana,  to  search  for  gold  in  the  New  El 
Dorado.  Nothing  of  permanent  interest,  however,  was 
accomplished  by  them,  for  after  exploring  part  of  the 
country  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  their  captain  and  all 
but  three  of  the  men  engaged  in  the  expedition  were 
killed  by  the  Indians.  Onate,  when  he  marched  through 
the  country  a  short  time  afterwards,  saw  two  of  the  sur- 
vivors, a  Mexican  Indian,  called  Jose,  and  a  mulatto 
girl;  and  the  third  remained  with  the  New  Mexican 
.Indians,  adopting  their  habits  and  manners,  and  being 
at  length  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  a  chief.  The  time 
was  about  to  arrive,  however,  when  a  settlement  on  a. 
larger  scale*  and  of  greater  permanence  than  any  which 
had  preceded  it  was  to  take  place ;  and  this,  also,  was 
the  direct  result  of  the  favorable  accounts  which  were 
brought  back  to  Mexico  by  Espejo  and  his  companions. 
Don  Juan  de  Onate  was  a  wealthy  and  influential 
citizen  of  Zacatecas,  in  which  city  he  was  born;  and  his 
ambition  was  strongly  excited  by  the  opportunities  QJ 
great  riches  and  aggrandizement  which  were  presented 
by  the  reports  brought  from  the  almost  unknown  coun- 
try to  the  north.  He  made  a  formal  application  to  the 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  for 
authority  to  colonize  New  Mexico,  offering  to  undertake 
the  work  with  at  least  200  soldiers,  and  with  all  the 
animals,  tools,  goods,  and  appliances  necessary  to  make 
it  a  success.  In  return  of  course  he  asked  for  the  usual 


162  ONATE. 

rewards  of  discoverers  and  colonizers — authority,  no- 
bility, and  wealth  in  lands  and  money.  The  Viceroy, 
after  due  consideration,  granted  the  authority  applied 
for,  so  far  as  the  colonization  was  concerned,  and  also 
most  of  the  attendant  requests  of  Onate,  on  the  condi- 
tion, however,  that  the  country  should  be  conquered, 
pacified,  and  colonized  within  five  years;  and  this  grant 
was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  king  of  Spain,  in  very 
ample  form,  in  a  decree  dated  July  8,  1602.  Onate  did 
not  wait,  however,  for  this  confirmation,  but  with 
characteristic  energy  made  preparations  for  the  work 
the  moment  he  had  secured  this  permission  of  the 
Viceroy.  Like  almost  all  enterprises  of  importance,  this 
encountered  opposition  from  various  sources,  which  it 
required  considerable  time  to  overcome;  and  the  delay 
added  greatly  to  the  expense,  as  a  large  number  of  those 
who  originally  enlisted  became  discouraged  and  returned 
to  their  homes  before  the  preparations  were  fairly 
concluded.  The  expedition,  as  finally  Constituted,  con- 
sisted of  over  700  soldiers  and  130  families  for  coloniza- 
tion, the  latter  carrying  everything  with  them  requisite 
for  permanent  settlement.  Ten  Friars  of  the  Franciscan 
order  accompanied  the  party,  which  consisted  at  its 
start  of  about  1,250  persons ;  but  after  the  march  com- 
menced and  they  began  to  appreciate  the  real  hardships 
to  be  endured,  while  the  glamour  of  romance  gradually 
disappeared,  desertions  became  numerous,  so  that  when 
New  Mexico  was  actually  reached,  scarcely  more  than 
half  the  original  company  remained;  the  desertions, 
however,  being  mainly  among  the  troops,  and  not 
materially  affecting  the  families. 

The  expedition  set  out  in  1591,  and  proceeded 
northerly  through  the  present  States  of  Durango  and 
Chihuahua  until  it  reached  the  Rio  Grande,  and  then 
marched  up  the  valley  of  that  river  much  as  Espejo  had 
done,  encountering  the  same  native  nations  and  being 
uniformly  Well  treated,  until  it  arrived  at  a  point 


ON ATE.  133 

further  north  than  any  to  which  its  predecessors  had 
penetrated,  and  finally  selected  as  the  center  of  the 
future  colony  the  sheltered  valley  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Chama,  just  above  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Grande, 
thus  affording  protection  to  the  settlement  of  all  of  the 
fertile  valleys  which  extend  north,  west,  and  south. 
The  new  town  they  called  the  City  of  New  Mexico;  and 
while  it  never  grew  to  any  great  importance,  and  was 
outstripped  in  its  growth  by  many  places  afterwards 
established,  yet  its  site  will  never  cease  to  be  of  interest 
to  New  Mexicans.  Near  by,  at  San  Yldefonso,  was 
founded  the  first  permanent  "convento"  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan fathers,  which  for  a  considerable  time  was  the 
center  of  their  missionary  activity  and  enterprise.  The 
Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  new  town  were  kind  and 
disposed  to  welcome  the  new-comers,  whom  they  assisted 
very  materially  in  the  building  of  their  houses.  They 
lived  as  did  those  previously  described,  in  villages  or 
community  houses  several  stories  in  height,  built 
around  squares  and  containing  many  rooms;  their  food 
consisted  principally  of  the  beans,  corn,  and  pumpkins 
which  they  raised,  together  with  the  products  of  the 
chase,  and  the  fish  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  branches ; 
and  they  were  comfortably  and  indeed  becomingly 
dressed  in  the  tanned  skins  of  buffaloes  and  smaller  an- 
nimals,  and  in  fabrics  of  cotton  of  their  own  raising  and 
manufacture,  ornamented  with  feathers  of  the  wild 
turkey  and  other  birds. 

As  in  all  other  colonies,  the  first  season  was  one  of 
difficulty  and  privation.  Houses  had  to  be  built,  the 
virgin  soil  broken  up  for  future  planting,  and  many 
kinds  of  arduous  labor  encountered ;  but  the  land  was 
fertile,  the  climate  unsurpassed,  and  in  much  of  the 
heaviest  work  they  had  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  so 
that  before  very  long  contentment  and  prosperity  pre- 
vailed. In  the  meantime,  however,  some  had  become 
discouraged ;  those  who  had  come  expecting  to  find  a 


164  OftATS. 

land  where  riches  were  to  be  obtained  without  labor 
were  dissatisfied,  and  so  a  considerable  number,  espe- 
cially of  the  soldiers,  took  such  opportunities  as  were 
presented  for  returning  to  Mexico,  where  they  spread 
reports  of  the  barrenness  and  poverty  of  the  country 
and  the  failure  of  the  attempts  at  settlement. 

As  soon  as  the  necessary  means  of  livelihood  were 
assured,  by  the  building  of  houses  and  planting  of  fields, 
the  Spaniards  commenced  extensive  explorations  for 
the  precious  metals,  which  had  been  a  leading  object  of 
their  coming.  Mines  were  soon  found  in  very  many 
parts  of  the  country,  and  in  nearly  every  locality  where 
they  are  now  known,  so  wide-spread  was  the  rude  "  pros- 
pecting" of  those  days.  Gold  or  silver  was  discovered — 
the  former  sometimes  in  veins  and  sometimes  in  gravel — 
from  Socorro  on  the  south  to  the  Picuris  Mountains  on 
the  north,  including  the  Sandias,  the  Placers,  the  Cer- 
rillos,  etc.,  and  also  to  the  west  in  tho  mountains  of 
Jemez.  A  little  later  they  extended  the  area  of  mineral 
discovery  and  development  even  further  north,  as  the 
shafts  of  their  ancient  mines  are  found  as  far  up  as  the 
Rio  Hondo  and  Colorado  in  New  Mexico,  and  even  be- 
tween the  Culebra  and  Trinchera  in  southern  Colorado. 
Settlement's  were  rapidly  made  in  various  parts  of 
the  country,  fresh  immigrants  following  those  who  com- 
posed the  first  expedition,  and  no  opposition  to  their 
settlement  being  manifested  by  the  resident  natives. 
As  soon  as  Onate  could  leave  the  central  town  on  the 
Chama,  with  safety,  he  undertook  a  series  of  peaceful 
expeditions  to  the  various  Indian. nations,  with  the 
view  of  obtaining  accurate  information  as  to  their  char- 
acter and  numbers,  and  also  to  insure  amicable  relations 
with  them,  and  as  far  as  possible  to  introduce  Christian 
missionaries  into  their  chief  towns.  After  visiting 
most  of  the  tribes  of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley  and  its 
vicinity,  he  attempted  a  more  ambitious  journey,  evi- 
dently wishing  to  emulate  the  example  of  Coronado, 


ONATE.  165 

and  resolved  to  cross  the  plains  to  the  great  city  of 
Quivira,  which,  perhaps  on  account  of  its  very  distance 
and  inaccessibility,seems  to  have  filled  the  minds  of  all  the 
early  Spanish  adventurers,  for  over  a  century,  with  the 
most  romantic v  ideas.  This  expedition  set  out  in  the 
year  1599,  and  consisted  of  eighty  soldiers,  accompanied 
by  two  Friars  named  Francisco  de  Velasco  and  Pedro  de 
Vergara,  for  spiritual  duties,  and  as  a  guide  by  Jose, 
the  Mexican  Indian,  previously  mentioned  as  escaping 
from  the  ill-starred  party  of  Humana,  and  who  was  found 
by  the  later  Spaniards  at  the  Pueblo  of  Picuris  They 
marched  as  Coronado  had  done  more  than  half  a  century 
before,  and  as  Penalosa  was  to  do  more  than  an  equal 
period  afterward,  over  the  great  buffalo-plains  towards 
the  east ;  finding  the  same  bright,  clear  atmosphere, 
the  same  unvarying  prairie,  the  same  grapes  and  plums, 
the  same  enormous  herds  of  buffaloes,  and  the  same 
wandering  tribes  of  Indians,  which  had  no  doubt  been 
there  from  time  immemorial.  After  travelling  over 
200  leagues,  and  just  before  reaching  the  settlement 
of  Quivira,  they  met,  as  did  Peanlosa,  a  tribe  called 
Escansaques,  on  their  way  to  make  their  annual  foray 
into  the  cultivated  country  of  the  Quivirans,  with 
whom  they  were  in  a  state  of  perpetual  war.  Some 
difficulty  arose  between  the  Spaniards  and  this  maraud- 
ing tribe,  which  resulted  in  a  serious  battle,  in  which 
we  are  told  a  thousand  of  the  Indians  were  slain ;  u  a 
thousand"  probably  being  a  figure  of  speech,  considered 
allowable  when  treating  of  expeditions  to  such  far  dis- 
tant dominions ;  the  old  chronicler  also  giving  as  a  reason 
for  this  destruction,  a  pious  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
Franciscan  Commissary  to  teach  the  Escansaques  a 
lesson  of  peace  and  honesty,  which  would  lead  them  to 
abandon  their  attacks  upon  Quivira.  However  this  may 
be,  Onate  very  soon  approached  the  wonderful  City  of 
the  East,  which  was  situated  on  the  further  bank  of  a 
river  ;  and  after  some  negociations,  a  treaty  of  perpetual 


166  ONATE. 

peace  and  friendship  was  concluded  between  the  Span- 
iards and  Quivirans.  The  country  was  found  to  be 
thickly  settled,  great  numbers  of  villages  being  seen ; 
and  the  people  said  that  to  the  north  it  was  even  more 
densely  populated.  As  in  the  days  of  Coronado,  no  silver 
nor  gold  was  seen ;  but  reports  were  heard  that  the 
precious  metals  were  plentiful  in  the  interior.  Satisfied 
with  the  result  of  his  journey,  Onate  returned  to  New 
Mexico  ;  and  a  few  years  after,  in  1606,  a  party  of  no  less 
than  800  Quivira  Indians  came  to  Santa  Fe  to  ask  aid 
in  their  war  with  the  Axtaos,  which  was  then  being 
fiercely  waged.  They  gave  glowing  accounts  of  the 
wealth  of  their  ememies,  as  an  incentive  to  action  on  the 
part  of  the  Spaniards ;  but  nothing  resulted  from  it, 
except  that  they  left  with  Onate  an  Axtao  prisonerr 
who  was  in  their  hands,  who  was  subsequently  baptized 
by  the  name  of  Miguel,  taken  to  Spain  by  Don  Vicente 
De  Saldivar,  a-nd  presented  to  the  king,  attracting  great 
attention  wherever  he  went. 

For  several  years  the  Governor  continued  with  a  rare 
combination  of  energy  and  prudence  to  establish  new 
settlements  and  strengthen  those  already  existing ;  at 
the  same  time  conciliating  the  natives,  and  preventing, 
during  the  period  of  his  authority,  any  hostilities  on 
the  part  of  either  race.  He  explored  all  parts  of  the 
country,  and  in  1611  made  another  trip  to  the  eastward, 
discovering  the  Cannibal  Lakes,  which  cannot  well  be 
identified  at  this  day,  and  the  deep  canon  of  the  Cana- 
dian River,  which  was  appropriately  called  the 
"  Palisade." 


CHAPTER    IX. 


THE   PERIOD   FROM    1600  TO  1680. 

THE  period  between  the  permanent  settlement  of 
New  Mexico  by  Europeans,  under  Ofiate,  at  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  revolution  of  1680, 
presents  a  few  salient  features  which  are  illustrated  by 
a  multitude  of  lesser  occurrences.  The  principal  events 
of  a  general  character  were  the  increase  and  extension 
of  the  Spanish  settlements,  the  introduction  and  propa- 
gation of  Christianity  among  the  natives,  the  estab- 
lishment and  development  of  mining  as  an  important 
industry,  and  the  constantly  growing  feeling  of  aliena- 
tion and  hatred  on  the  part  of  the  Pueblo  Indians. 
Each  of  these  had  relation  more  or  less  to  the  others,  so 
that  they  cannot  well  be  treated  separately ;  and  in  any 
event,  our  knowledge  of  the  history  of  those  times  is 
imperfect  and  fragmentary,  as  all  of  the  regular  records 
were  destroyed  during  the  years  of  Pueblo  supremacy 
which  succeeded.  After  the  successful  establishment  of 
the  first  colonies  on  the,  Upper  Rio  Grande,  Spanish 
communities  quickly  grew  up  in  all  the  more  accessible 
parts  of  the  Territory,  sometimes  in  connection  with 
the  native  Pueblos,  and  sometimes  as  independent  set- 
tlements. Santa  Fe,  from  its  central  position,  between 
the  upper  and  lower  valleys,  and  on  account  in  part,  no 
doubt,  of  the  charm  of  its  situation  and  climate,  early 
became  the  most  important  of  the  Spanish  towns  and 
the  seat  of  highest  authority.  It  is  very  likely  that 
Onate  himself  transferred  his  residence  there  from  the 
banks  of  the  Chama;  and,  at  all  events,  it  is  certain 
that  his  immediate  successors  made  it  the  Capital,  and 
that  the  palace  was  built  at  a  very  early  day.  It  was 


168  FROM  1600  TO  1680. 

the  long  established  seat  of  power  when  Penalosa  con- 
fined the  Chief  Inquisitor  within  its  walls,  in  1663,  and 
when  the  Pueblo  authorities  took  possession  of  it  as  the 
citadel  of  their  central  authority,  in  1681. 

The  Spanish  settlers  naturally  found  homes  in  the 
fertile  and  beautiful  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  did 
not  attempt  to  establish  many  towns  far  beyond  the 
mountains  which  marked  its  boundaries  on  either 
hand ;  but  the  zealous  missionaries  of  the  Christian 
faith  were  not  confined  within  any  such  narrow  limits. 
As  we  have  seen,  ten  Friars  accompanied  Onate  on  his 
first  expedition  into  the  country,  and  their  number  was 
frequently  increased  from  time  to  time  by  the  arrival  of 
new  brothers  from  Mexico  and  Spain — all  being  of  the 
order  of  St.  Francis.  Their  first  missionary  station  after 
San  Yldefonso,  was  established  at  a  place  in  the  territory 
of  the  Tegua  nation,  and  probably  at  one  of  their  princi- 
pal pueblos,  hence  called  in  the  early  records  "  El 
Teguayo,"  and  which  has  by  many  been  considered 
identical  with  Santa  Fe.  A  strong  probability  is  lent  to 
this  from  the  propriety  with  which  the  name  of  the  "  La 
Ciudad  de  la  Santa  Fe  de  San  Francisco,"  "  the  city  of  the 
holy  faith  of  St.  Francis,"  would  have  been  given  to  the 
point  selected  for  the  earliest  settled  missionary  effort  of 
the  Franciscan  Fathers.  The  missionaries  traversed  the 
country  in  all  directions,  priests  were  stationed  at  all 
the  principal  villages,  and  churches  erected  as  rapidly 
as  possible  at  the  important  points.  As  early  as  1608 
it  was  reported  that  at  least  8,000  Indians  had  been 
baptized.  Twenty-one  years  later  the  number  had  in- 
creased to  34,650;  and  not  less  than  forty  churches  had 
been  built  for  the  performance  of  the  ceremonies  of  the 
Roman  Church.  The  most  celebrated  of  the  monks 
who  devoted  himself  to  the  missionary  work  during  the 
intervening  period  was  Geronimo  de  Zarate  Salmaron, 
who  established  himself  at  Jemez  j  and  from  the  facility 
that  he  acquired  in  the  use  of  the  languages  of  the 


FROM  1600  TO  1680.  169 

people,  preached  with  such  success  that  he  alone 
baptized  no  less  than  6,566  Indians  at  that  pueblo, 
besides  extending  his  ministrations  to  the  neighboring 
pueblos  of  Zia  and  Santa  Ana,  and  accomplishing  the 
pacification  of  Acoma,  which  until  that  time  had  re- 
fused to  hold  any  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards. 
But  as  time  passed  and  the  colonists  became  stronger, 
the  priests  resorted  to  other  means  than  by  pious  ex- 
ample and  .persuasion  to  bring  converts  to  the  Christian 
faith.  Men  whose  zeal  far  outran  their  discretion  took 
part  in  the  work,  and  the  spirit  of  persecution  then 
dominant  in  Europe  began  to  exert  its  baneful  in- 
fluence among  the  peaceful  and  kind-hearted  natives  of 
New  Mexico.  Many  of  these  were  naturally  attached  to 
the  religion  of  their  fathers,  in  which  generation  after 
generation  of  the  people  had  been  educated,  and  which 
had  become  almost  a  part  of  their  nature.  They  were 
evidently  a  religious  people,  as  Espejo  found  images  and 
altars  in  almos  every  house  The  estufas  were 
the  scenes  of  their  more  public  ceremonies,  and 
they  had  priests  whom  they  revered  as  having 
special  intercourse  with  the  Higher  Power.  Religious 
rites  were  of  frequent  observance  among  them,  and  the 
"  cachina,"  their  favorite  dance,  had  a  connection  with 
supernatural  things.  The  great  object  of  their  worship 
undoubtedly  was  the  sun,  and  around  it,  according  to 
their  crude  and  superstitious  creed,  were  various  lesser 
powers,  which  ruled  over  special  subjects,  and  were  the 
objects  of  a  kind  of  adoration,  and  certain-ly  of  fear. 
But  while  thus  far  from  the  truth,  their  religion  was 
intended  to  make  them  better  and  nobler,  and  did  not 
call  for  human  sacrifices  or  the  perpetration  of  any  kind 
of  outrage  or  cruelty.  When  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced as  a  religion  of  benevolence  and  of  blessing,  as  by 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  taught  a  few  of  the  essentials  of 
the  faith,  ministered  to  the  sick,  and  blessed  the  skins 
brought  by  the  people  among  whom  he  sojourned  ;  or 


170  FROM  1600  TO  1680. 

by  the  first  Friars,  who  sought  by^good  counsel  and  holy 
lives  to  conciliate  and  win  the  hearts  of  the  natives — it 
gained  their  affection  as  well  as  their  respect;  but  after- 
wards the  tl  zeal  without  knowledge  "  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical rulers  led  to  unfortunate  results  They  endeavored 
to  convert  by  force,  instead  of  by  love  and  persuasion. 
The  ancient  rites  were  prohibited  under  severe  penalties, 
the  old  images  were  torn  down,  sacred  places  destroyed, 
estufas  closed,  and  the  "cachinas"  and  all  similar  semi- 
religious  ceremonies  and  festivities  forbidden.  They 
were  compelled  to  an  outward  compliance  with  the  rules 
and  participation  in  the  rites  of  the  Roman  Church. 
They  had  to  attend  its  services,  to  submit  to  baptism, 
to  support  its  priests,  and  subject  themselves  to  its 
authority,  whether  they  really  understood  and  believed 
its  teaching  or  not  The  Inquisition  was  introduced, 
and  soon  became  the  dominant  power  in  the  territory, 
forcing  even  the  highest  civil  officers  to  do  its  bidding, 
or  subjecting  them  to  removal,  disgrace,  and  pun- 
ishment, if  they  dared  to  exercise  independence  in  their 
action,  or  attempted  to  interfere  with  the  arbitrary 
and  often  cruel  edicts  of  its  imperious  representatives. 
A  conspicuous  instance  of  this  is  found  in  the  removal 
of  two  successive  Governors  (Mendizaval  and  Penalosa) 
by  its  influence  in  1660  and  1664. 

The  Spaniards  who  came  at  first  as  friends  and  were 
eager  to  have  the  good-will  and  assistance  of  the  in- 
telligent natives,  soon  began  to  claim  superiority  and 
to  insist  on  the  performance  of  services  which  originally 
were  mere  evidences  of  hospitality  and  kindness.  Little 
by  little  they  assumed  greater  power  and  control  over  the 
Indians,  until  in  the  course  of  years  they  had  subjected 
a  large  portion  of  them  to  servitude  little  differing  from 
actual  slavery.  The  Spanish  courts  assumed  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  whole  territory,  and  imposed  severe 
punishment  on  the  Indians  for  the  viplation  of  any  of 
their  laws  —  civil  or  ecclesiastical;  introducing  an 


FROM  1600  TO  1680.  171 

entirely  new  criminal  system,  unknown  and  certainly 
undesired  by  the  natives.  For  slight  infractions  of 
edicts  of  which  they  were  often  ignorant,  men  and 
women  were  whipped  or  condemned  to  be  sold  into 
slavery ;  the  latter  punishment  being  encouraged,  be- 
cause it  provided  the  labor  of  which  the  Spaniards  stood 
in  need.  The  introduction  of  mining,  and  its  rapid 
extension  all  over  the  territory,  aggravated  their  hard- 
ships ;  for  the  labor,  which  was  exceedingly  dangerous, 
as  well  as  toilsome,  was  performed  almost  entirely  by 
Indians  forced  to  work  under  the  direction  of  unfeeling 
task-masters.  Under  all  these  circumstances  -the  kind- 
hearted  and  peace-loving  Pueblos,  who  had  lived  for 
generations  an  easy  life  of  independence  and  happiness, 
until  the  coming  of  these  strangers  from  the  south, 
naturally  changed  in  their  feelings  from  welcome  and 
hospitality  to  an  intense  hatred  and  a  determination  to 
repel  the  intruders  whenever  an  opportunity  should 
present  itself.  It  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the 
stronger  communities,  populous  and  well  governed, 
should  succumb  without  a  struggle  to  the  tyranny  of  the 
new-comers. 

The  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  filled 
with  a  succession  of  conflicts  and  revolts,  arising  from 
these  circumstances.  Many  of  these  were  local  and 
swiftly  suppressed ;  frequently  being  betrayed  before 
really  commenced,  and  requiring  no  particular  notice 
here.  In  1640  a  special  exercise  of  religious  persecution 
in  the  whipping,  imprisonment,  and  hanging  of  forty 
natives,  because  they  would  not  be  converted  from  their 
old  faith,  aroused  the  Indians  to  revolt ;  but  only  to  be 
reduced  to  more  complete  subjection.  Very  shortly 
afterwards  the  Jemez  nation  took  up  arms,  and  obtained 
the  promise  of  assistance  from  their  old  enemies,  the 
Apaches,  but  were  unsuccessful ;  and  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernor, Gen.  Argu^lo,  punished  them  by  the  imprison- 
ment of  twenty-nine  of  their  leading  chiefs.  A  more 


172  FROM  1600  TO  1680. 

important  attempt  was  made  in  1650,  when  the  whole 
Tegua  nation,  including  the  pueblos  of  Jemez,  Cochiti, 
San  Felipe,  Sandia,  Alameda,  and  Isleta,  united  in  a 
project  to  kill  or  drive  away  the  entire  Spanish  popula- 
tion, and  especially  the  priests ;  the  Apaches  being  also 
implicated,  as  the  new  danger  of  foreign  domination 
seemed  to  heal  for  the  time  the  old  enmity  between  the 
industrious  inhabitants  of  the  pueblos  and  the  nomadic 
tribes  which  had  been  accustomed  to  subsist  on  the 
stolen  products  of  their  labors.  The  plan  was  to  make 
a  simultaneous  attack  on  the  Spanish  settlements  on 
the  evening  of  Holy  Thursday,  when  the  people  would 
be  at  church  and  unsuspicious  of  danger ;  and  it  bid  fair 
to  be  successful,  but  for  its  untimely  discovery,  and  the 
energetic  measures  of  Gov.  Concha,  who  .arrested  and 
imprisoned  the  leaders,  of  whom  nine  were  subsequently 
hung,  and  the  remainder  sold  into  slavery.  While  Gen. 
Villftnueva  was  Governor,  the  Piros  Pueblos  rose  and 
killed  a  number  of  Spaniards,  but  were  in  turn  over- 
powered ;  and  soon  after,  the  Pueblos  of  the  Salt  Lake 
country  in  the  south-east,  under  Estevan  Clemente, 
their  Governor,  organized  a  general  revolt,  which  how- 
ever was  discovered  in  advance  and  its  execution  pre- 
vented. These  unsuccessful  attempts  however  taught 
the  Indians  that  the  only  hope  of  success  was  in  united 
action  by  all  of  the  native  nations ;  and  preparations  for 
this  were  quietly  discussed  and  arranged  through  a  con- 
siderable series  of  years,  at  the  time  of  the  annual 
festivals,  when  the  people  of  the  different  pueblos  were 
brought  together.  Once  it  seemed  as  if  the  time  for  the 
rising  had  come— the  people  of  Taos  taking  the  lead  in 
the  work — but  through  the  refusal  of  the  distant  Moqui 
Indians  to  unite  in  the  revolt,  it  was  for  a  time  aban- 
doned. The  Spaniards,  however,  were  kept  in  a  condi- 
tion of  constant  fear,  as  it  was  impossible  to  know  at 
what  time  a  formidable  rising  and  ^general  massacre 
might  take  place. 


FROM  1600  TO  1680.  173 

The  bitter  feeling  of  the  natives  was  heightened  by 
a  singular  transaction  in  1675.  According  to  the  super- 
stitious ideas  of  the  day,  Friar  Andres  Duran,  Superior 
of  the  great  Franciscan  Monastery  at  San  Yldefonso,  to- 
gether with  some  of  his  relations,  believed  themselves 
to  be  bewitched,  and  accused  the  Tegua  nation  of  being 
guilty  of  causing  the  affliction.  Such  an  attack  by  the 
emissaries  of  Satan  on  the  very  head  of  the  missionary 
organization  of  the  territory  was  a  serious  matter,  and 
the  Governor,  Don  Juan  Francisco  Frecencio,  organized 
a  special  tribunal,  consisting  of  Francisco  Javier,  the 
the  Civil  and  Military  Secretary,  and  Luis  de  Quintana, 
as  judges,  with  Diego  Lopez  as  interpreter,  to  inves- 
tigate the  charge.  The  result  was  the  conviction  of 
forty-seven  Indians,  of  whom  forty-three  were  whipped 
and  enslaved,  and  the  remainder  hung;  the  executions 
being  distributed  between  Jemez,  Nambe,  and  San 
Felipe,  in  order  to  be  a  warning  to  future  wrong-doers. 
This  action  naturally  incensed  the  Teguas  to  the  high- 
est degree.  Seventy  of  them,  led"  by  Pope,  a  San  Juan 
Indian,  who  had  begun  to  be  prominent  for  his  enter- 
prise and  wisdom,  marched  to  Santa  Fe  to  endeavor  to 
ransom  the  prisoners ;  and  a  conspiracy  was  formed  to 
assassinate  the  Governor,  but  nothing  was  accomplished 
at  the  time.  Meanwhile  the  cruelty  of  the  slavery  in 
the  mines  increased,  the  religious  persecution  con- 
tinued, and  everything  united  to  drive  the  natives  into 
the  great  revolt  which  occurred  in  1680. 

During  the  period  from  1600  to  1680  a  considerable 
number  of  Governors  ruled  in  New  Mexico,  the  ap- 
pointments being  made  by  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain. 
Unfortunately,  in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  the 
records  at  the  time  of  the  Pueblo  Revolution,  no  perfect 
statement  even  of  their  names  can  b'e  made.  In  the 
year  1600  Don  Pedro  de  Peralta  was  appointed  Governor, 
apparently  superseding  Onate,  who  only  the  year  be- 
fore had  led  the  expedition  to  Quivira.  But  it  is  evi- 


174  FROM  1600  TO  1680. 

dent  that  Onate  was  soon  restored,  for  the  Quiviran 
delegation  in  1606  was  received  by  him;  in  1611  he 
made  his  second  exploration  to  the  eastward,  and  as 
late  as  1618  we  are  told  that  the  expedition  of  Don 
Vicente  de  Saldivar,  of  which  more  will  be  said  pres- 
ently, was  undertaken  uby  order  of  his  uncle,  the 
Adelantado  Don  Juan  de  Onate."  The  celebrated  Moro, 
or  Inscription  Rock,  near  Zuni,  bears  on  its  surface  the 
memorial  of  a  Governor  who  otherwise  might  have  re- 
mained unknown*  in  the  following  words  :  "  Bartolome 
Narrso,  Governor  and  Captain-General  of  the  Provinces 
of  New  Mexico,  passed  by  this  place  on  his  return  from 
the  Pueblo  of  Zuni,  on  the  29th  of  July,  \  620,  having 
put  them  at  peace,  etc."  How  long  this  Narrso  con- 
tinued to  govern  we  do  not  know;  but  it  is  evident  from 
some  old  documents  that  in  1640  General  Arguello  was 
Governor,  and  General  Concha  in  1650.  One  of  the 
oldest  of  the  archives,  dated  1683,  mentions  Enrique  de 
Abela  y  Pacheco,  as  having  governed  the  province  in 
1656.  He  must  have-been  followed  soon  after  by  Ber- 
nardo Lopez  de  Mendizaval,  as  the  latter  had  time 
enough  before  1660  to  render  himself  obnoxious  to  the 
Inquisition,  whose  complaint  was  sufficiently  influen- 
tial to  effect  his  removal  in  that  year.  The  Count  of 
Penalosa,  a  more  full  account  of  whom  we  will  soon  pre- 
sent in  connection  with  his  expedition  to  Quivira,  was 
appointed  Governor  in  1660,  but  did  not  arrive  till  late 
in  the  spring  of  1661.  He  also  had  the  misfortune  to 
come  in  collision  with  the  Inquisition,  whose  chief  of- 
ficial was  assuming  such  dictatorial  powers  that  Pena- 
losa finally  felt  compelled  to  arrest  him  and  hold  him 
as  a  prisoner  for  a  week  in  the  Palace ;  for  which  the 
Inquisition  repaid  him  with  interest  a  short  time  after, 
causing  him  to  be  deprived  of  his  office  and  suffer  a 
long  imprisonment  and  enormous  fine.  Soon  after 
General  Villanueva  'was  Governor,  and  in  1675  Don 
Juan  Francisco  Frecenio  was  appointed.  Altogether, 


FROM  1600  TO  1680.  175 

between  1640  and  1680,  fourteen  persons  exercised  the 
gubernatorial  authority,  but  the  above  names  are  all 
that  are  certainly  known,  except  that  of  Antonio  Oter- 
min,  who  was  Governor  at  the  time  of  the  breaking  out 
of  the  Pueblo  rebellion  in  1680. 

During  this  period  various  expeditions  were  under- 
taken from  time  to  time  with  a  view  to  the  exploration 
of  the  country,  or  the  extension"  of  the  knowledge  of 
Christianity  among  the  natives.  To  two  of  these  (that 
of  Saldivar  in  1618,  and  that  of  Penalosa  in  1662)  sepa- 
rate chapters  will  be  devoted,  on  account  of  the  quaint- 
ness  of  the  record  of  the  former,  and  the  important  his- 
toric interest  of  the  latter.  At  one  time  (the  exact  date 
not  being  preserved)  two  Franciscans,  Father  Pedro  Or- 
tega, Guardian  of  Santa  Fe,  and  Father  Alonzo  Yanis, 
advanced  100  leagues  into  the  Apache  country,  and  then 
went  50  leagues  east,  and  50  north,  reaching  finally  a 
very  large  river,  which  they  called  San  Francisco;  but 
their  Apache  guides  were  afraid  to  proceed  any  further, 
and  the  zealous  priests  returned.  Another  expedition 
eastward  from  Santa  Fe  was  that  of  the  Missionary 
Fathers  Juan  de  Salas  and  Diego  Lopez,  to  the  Xumana 
nation.  Benavides,  who  narrates  the  miraculous  con- 
version of  this  tribe,  fixes  the  locality  of  this  people  as 
follows:  "Setting  out  from  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  the 
center  of  New  Mexico,  and  passing  through  the  Apache 
nation  of  the  Vaqueros  (Buffalo-hunters),  you  come  to 
the  Xumana  nation,  whose  conversion  was  so  miracu- 
lous that  it  is  just  to  relate  how  it  was."  Nothing  else 
worthy  of  special  mention  has  come  down  to  us  in 
the  meagre  chronicles  of  that  period.  Everything  was 
slowly  but  surely  drifting  toward  a  great  revolt  by  the 
ill-treated  Pueblos.  After  giving  narratives  of  the  ex- 
peditions of  Saldivar  and  Penalosa,  we  will  see  how 
formidable  that  revolt  was  when  it  actually  occurred. 


CHAPTER   X. 


THE    EXPEDITION   OF   SALDIVAR. 

In  1618  an  expedition,  of  which  a  brief  account  has 
come  down  to  us,  was  made  by  Vicente  de  Saldivar, 
Maestre  de  Campo,  and  nephew  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate, 
with  forty-seven  men.  He  was  accompanied,  as  usual 
on  such  expeditions,  by  an  ecclesiastic,  not  only  for  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  men  and  the  conversion  of  such 
natives  as  it  might  be  possible  to  bring  under  Christian 
influences,  but  also  as  a  kind  of  historian  of  the  expedi- 
tion. Nothing  was  really  accomplished,  on  account  of 
the  fears  aroused  by  the  stories  of  a  nation  of  giants 
soon  to  be  encountered  if  the  expedition  proceeded  far- 
ther, and  it  is  impossible  to  tell  the  exact  direction 
taken  on  the  march.  The  Rio  de  Buena  Esperanza,  or 
Del  Tison,  has  generally  been  considered  to  be  the  Gila, 
but  much  difficulty  often  arises  from  the  same  name 
being  applied  by  different  narrators  to  various  rivers 
or  cities,  or  sometimes  by  distinct  rivers  reached  by  dif- 
ferent travellers  being  supposed  by  them  to  be  parts  of 
the  same,  and  so  miscalled  bv  the  same  name.  In  one 
narrative  the  Colorado  of  the  West  near  the  Grand 
Canon  is  called  "Tison,"  and  the  description  of  the 
giants  is  similar  to  what  was  said  of  a  tribe  on  that 
river.  This  theory  that  the  Colorado  is  intended  is  the 
more  plausible  on  account  of  the  word  "  Moq," 
which  would  evidently  mean  the  land  of  the  Moquis. 
The  narrative  of  this  expedition  is  so  brief,  and  at  the 
same  time  so  quaint  and  characteristic  of  the  times, 
that  we  give  a  translation  in  full, — 

"  In  the  year  1618  the  Maestre  de  Campo  Vicente  de 
Saldivar  set  forth  on  a  journey  of  discovery,  with  forty- 


SALDIVAR.  177 

seven  well  appointed  soldiers,  accompanied  by  the  Padre 
Friar  Lazaro  Ximenes,  of  the  order  of  our  Seraphic 
Padre  San  Francisco,  and  passing  through  these  same 
populated  and  civilized  nations  to  the  end  of  Moq,  and 
journeying  through  those  unpeopled  countries  fifteen 
more  days,  they  arrived  at  the  Rio  de  Buena  Esperanza 
(Goodhope  River),  or  Tison  River,  in  which  place  they 
found  themselves  in  latitude  thirty  six  and  one-half 
degrees;  and  journeying  up  for  two  days  towards  the 
north  with  a  very  good  guide  who  ..offered  to  conduct 
them,  they  arrived  at  a  little  village,  and  asking'infor- 
mation  of  the  country  in  the  interior,  they  told  such 
great  things  of  it  as  those  in  the  west  on  the  coasts  of 
the  South  Sea  and  California  had  told  them,  and  as  had 
been  described  to  us  by  those  in  the  east  at  the 
Quivira,  which  greatly  encouraged  all  to  continue  their 
journey ;  but  as  among  other  things  they  told  them  that 
in  the  country  beyond  they  would  find  a  gigantic  and 
terrible  people,  so  enormous  and  wonderful  that  one  of 
our  men  on  horseback  was  small  in  comparison,  and 
who  shot  exceedingly  large  arrows,  it  appeared  to  Sal- 
divar  that  he  could  not  raise  sufficient  force  to  encounter 
such  a  multitude  of  barbarians,  and  so  he  deter- 
mined to  return,  fearing  some  misfortune  such  as  was 
experienced  by  Captain  Humana  and  others ;  and 
although  Friar  Lazaro  and  tae  greater  part  of  the  sol- 
diers opposed  this  determination  they  could  not  prevail, 
and  although  twenty-five  of  them  begged  permission  to 
enter  and  explore  the  land,  the  Maestre  de  Campo  was 
not  willing  to  permit  it,  fearing  they  would  all  be  lost ; 
but  commanded  that  they  should  go  no  further,  but  turn 
about;  and  while  this  determination  was  being  carried 
into  effect  and  the  baggage  being  packed,  the  earth  at  that 
point  exhibited  great  feeling  and  sorrow  by  a  terrific  and 
frightful  earthquake,  which  appeared  to  play  even  with 
the  most  massive  mountains,  throwing  to  the  ground 
the  laden  animals  as  well  as  the  men,  without  leaving 


178  SALDIVAR. 

anything  in  its  place,  thus  manifesting  in  a  mysterious 
manner,  by  this  earthquake,  the  cowardice  of  heart  of 
those  who  turned  back  from  the  gates  of  that  fertile, 
rich,  and  extensive  country,  which  is  so  good  that  it  is 
generally  believed  that  all  that  to  this  time,  has  been 
conquered  and  colonized  under  the  name  of  America  is 
dull  in  comparison  with  what  is  contained  in  this  new 
part  of  the  New  World,  which  is  menaced  by  conquest  by 
the  French  who  are  bounded  by  it,  and  by  the  English 
and  Dutch  who  desire  it  so  greatly,  although  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other  can  obtain  it,  because  they  do  not 
understand  the  art  of  conquest,  which  is  reserved  to  the 
valor  and  discretion  of  our  nation  and  the  Portuguese, 
although  ours  did  not  then  dare  to  go  to  see  it  even  to  be 
undeceived.  They  say  that  Padre  Lazaro  then  ex- 
claimed in  a  loud  voice  with  indescribable  grief,  '  Oh 
Spaniards,  what  sorrow  the  earth  feels  at  our  lack  of 
courage,  and  we  do  not  feel  it  ourselves  !' ' 


CHAPTER   XL 


THE   EXPEDITION   OF   PENALOSA  TO    QUIVIRA. 

THE  expedition  of  Don  Diego  de  Penalosa,  though 
comparatively  little  known,  was  certainly  the  most 
ambitious,  as  it  came  near  being  the  most  important  in 
results,  of  all  the  expeditions  of  the  Spaniards  of  New 
Mexico  in  the  period  which  succeeded  the  conquest.  By 
both  birth  and  experience  he  was  just  the  man  calcu- 
lated to  organize  and  lead  in  adventurous  exploits,  which 
promised  rich  results  in  honor,  or  power,  or  gold.  In  a 
document  apparently  drawn  up  by  himself,  published 
by  Margry,  and  reproduced  in  Shea's  "  Penalosa,"  it  is 
stated  that  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  first  governor  of  Terra 
Firma,  was  his  great-great-grandfather ;  Diego  de 
Ocampo,  admiral  of  the  South  Sea,  and  Pedro  de  Valdivia, 
who,  at  his  own  cost,  conquered  the  Kingdom  of  Chile, 
were  his  great-grandfathers ;  the  Commander  Diego  de 
Penalosa,  his  grandfather,  held  many  important  offices, 
both  civil  and  military,  in  Peru  ;  his  father,  Don  Alonzo, 
was  governor  of  the  provinces  of  Arequipa  and  Aricaxa, 
etc.,  and  a  knight  of  Calatrava  ;  and  he  himself  had  been 
Alcalde  and  Justicia  Mayor  of  La  Paz,  Governor  of 
Omasuyos,  Alcalde  of  Cuzco,  and  finally  Provincial 
Alcalde  of  the  city  of  La  Paz  and  its  five  dependent  prov- 
inces, which  last  office  cost  him  50,000  crowns. 

A  quarrel  with  the  brother  of  the  Viceroy  of  Peru 
led  him  to  leave  that  country  for  Spain  ;  but  misfortune 
attended  the  journey,  for  he  was  wrecked  in  the  Pacific, 
losing  40,000  crowns,  and  saving  only  his  pearls  and 
precious  stones  ;  and  then  concluding  to  visit  his  uncle, 
the  Bishop  of  Nicaragua,  he  was  again  wrecked  and  with 
difficulty  reached  the  cathedral  city  of  that  ecclesiastic, 


180  PENALOSA. 

in  an  impoverished  condition.  The  Bishop,  however, 
provided  him  with  everything  suitable  to  his  wealth 
and  rank,  and  thus  equipped  he  proceeded  to 
Mexico,  where  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  the  Duke  of 
Albuquerque,  received  him  with  great  favor,  appointed 
him  to  various  important  offices,  and  so  loaded  him  with 
honors  that  he  abandoned  the  design  of  proceeding  to 
the  mother  country.  This  favor  at  the  vice-regal 
court  continued  not  only  during  the  whole  official  term 
of  Albuquerque,  but  under  his  successor  Juan  de  Leiva 
y  de  la  Cerda,  Marquis  and  Count  de  Banos,  who 
appointed  him  in  1660  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  in  place 
of  Don  Bernardo  Lopez  Mendizaval,  who  had  been  com- 
plained of  by  the  officials  of  the  Inquisition. 

Proceeding  to  his  new  dominion  by  easy  stages,  stop- 
ping two  months  at  Zacatecas  and  one  at  Parral,  he  ar- 
rived at  Santa  Fe  '  in  the  early  summer  of  1661,  and  by 
his  energy  and  tact  soon  quieted  the  troubles  that  had 
arisen  under  his  predecessor ;  and  after  a  vigorous  cam- 
paign against  the  marauding  Apaches,  defeated  that 
restive  tribe,  and  forced  them  to  keep  the  peace.  Seek- 
ing to  extend  the  area  of  Spanish  authority,  and  always 
fond  of  adventure  and  fearless  of  danger,  he  then  pro- 
ceeded to  organize  an  expedition  to  penetrate  the  coun- 
try to  the  north-east,  of  which  nothing  definite  was 
known,  save  the  rumors  and  traditions  of  cities  of  great 
extent,  splendor,  and  riches,  and  the  exaggerated  reports 
brought  by  the  early  explorers,  who  had  endeavored, 
unsuccessfully,  to  solve  entirely  the  problem  of  the  un- 
known land  beyond  the  plain.  One  hundred  and  twenty 
years  had  passed  since  Coronado  had  set  out  on  a  simi- 
lar quest,  and  over  half  a  century  since  the  last  expe- 
dition, under  Onate;  and  the  vague  traditions  of  what 
they  saw  only  served  to  stimulate  the  curiosity  and  the 
ambition  of  the  new  generation  of  Spaniards. 

In  this  project  he  was  encouraged  by  the  adulation 
of  Friar  Nicolas  de  Freytas,  Guardian  of  the  ancient 


PENALOSA.  181 

convent  of  San  Yldefonso  (the  first  established  in  New 
Mexico),  who  exclaims,  in  writing  of  the  unsuccessful 
exploits  of  Vicente  de  Saldivar:  uBut  I  believe  and 
hold  as  undoubted,  that  as  our  good  God  and  Lord  re- 
served the  conquest  of  the  Terra  Firma  for  the  illus- 
trious Pedro  Arias  de  Avila;  and  that  of  Peru  for  the 
most  fortunate  Francisco  Pizarro;  and  that  of  Chile  for 
the  celebrated  Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Valdivia;  and  that  of 
the  South  Sea  for  the  famous  Don  Diego  de  Ocampo; 
and  that  of  Mexico  for  the  renowned  Hernando  Cortez ; 
so  he  keeps  this  for  the  excellent  Don  Diego  Dionisio  de 
Penalosa,  who — as  great-grandson  of  the  three  greatest 
knights  (De  Avila,  Valdivia,  and  Ocampo),  and  best 
soldiers  of  the  five  just  named,  and  husband  of  the 
granddaughter  of  the  ever-victorious  Marquis  of  the 
Valley,  Cortez — appears  to  reproduce  the  valor  of  those 
noble  heroes." 

Throughout  the  winter  the  preparations  proceeded 
with  energy,  enlisting  the  interest  and  support  of  the 
most  important  people  of  New  Mexico;  and  finally  the 
expedition  commenced  its  march  from  the  Capital,  on 
the  6th  of  March,  1662.  Seldom  has  Santa  Fe  seen  a 
more  brilliant  spectacle.  Eighty  Spaniards  formed  the 
nucleus  of  the  force;  all  equipped  in  the  best  style  of 
the  times — and  under  the  immediate  command  of  Don 
Miguel  de  Noriega,  who  had  for  his  lieutenant  Tome 
Dominguez  de  Mendoza;  and  as  sergeant-majors,  Fer- 
nando Duran  y  Chavez  and  Juan  Lucero  Godoy.  With 
them  were  no  less  than  1,000  native  Indian  in- 
fantry, armed  with  bows  and  arrows;  and  the  whole 
provided  with  full  camp  equipage  —  including  800 
horses,  300  mules,  36  wagons  and  carts  containing 
provisions  and  munitions  of  war,  and  6  small  cannon. 
There  was  also,  apparently  for  the  comfort  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, a  large  carriage,  a  litter,  and  two  hand- 
chairs;  the  whole  forming  a  brilliant  array,  as  it  started 
full  of  ambition  and  high  hopes  on  its  long  journey  in 


182  PENALOSA. 

search  of  the  Quivira,  and  the  rich  kingdoms  of  the 
East. 

Accompanying  Penalosa  as  chaplains  to  himself  and 
the  army,  and  as  missionaries  to  the  heathen  who  should 
be  found,  were  the  two  Franciscan  Fathers,  Friar 
Miguel  de  Guevara,  Guardian  of  the  Convent  of  Santa 
Fe,  and  Friar  Nicolas  de  Freytas  above  mentioned, 
Guardian  of  the  Convent  of  San  Yldefonso.  The  latter 
was  the  historian  of  the  expedition,  and  has  left  us  a 
most  graphic  account  thereof,  the  only  difficulty  being 
that  like  many  other  narratives  of  that  time,  especially 
when  written  with  a  view  to  bring  honors  to  the  con- 
querors, or  induce  new  expeditions  to  follow,  the  writer 
indulges  so  freely  in  superlatives  and  exaggerations  that 
it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  the  exact  facts. 

He  tells  us  that  the  army  marched  for  three  full 
months  in  an  easterly  direction,  over  beautiful  and  fer- 
tile plains,  so  level  that  no  mountain  or  hill  was  ever 
seen,  and  covered  with  immense  herds  of  buffaloes,  or 
cows  of  Cibola,  which  increased  in  number  as  they  pro- 
ceeded. They  crossed  many  very  beautiful  rivers  and 
found  fine  meadow-lands  and  springs,  as  well  as  forests 
and  abundance  of  fruit-trees  of  various  kinds,  including 
delicious  plums  and  mulberries.  Grape-vines  abounded 
bearing  great  clusters  of  luscious  fruit,  even  ex- 
ceeding that  of  Spain  in  flavor,  and  there  was  an  in- 
finity of  strawberries.  Indeed,  the  great  prairies  trav- 
ersed are  described  as  a  kind  of  earthly  paradise,  of 
which  the  narrator  says  that  neither  in  all  the  Indies 
of  Peru  and  New  Spain,  nor  in  Europe,  have  any  other 
such  been  seen,  so  pleasant  and  delightful ;  and  that  on 
the  expedition  were  men  from  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  and 
America,  and  all  with  one  voice  declared  that  they  had 
never  seen  so  fertile,  pleasant,  and  agreeable  a  country 
as  that. 

Two  hundred  leagues  (about  500  English  miles)  they 
had  thus  travelled,  always  through  these  charming 


PEfJALOSA.  183 

plains,  when  they  arrived  at  a  great  river  called  "  Mis- 
chipi," where  they  met  a  large  army  of  Indians  of  the 
Escanxaques  Nation,  about  3,000  in  number,  on  the 
march  to  attack  the  nearest  city  of  the  Quivirans,  who 
were  the  hereditary  enemies  of  the  Escanxaques. 
Penalosa  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians 
and  the  two  armies  marched  on,  side  by  side,  up  along 
the  banks  of  the  Mischipi,  which  flowed  rapidly  through 
fields  so  fertile  that  they  produced  in  places  two  crops  a 
year  After  one  day's  travel,  the  course  of  the  river 
turned  to  the  north,  and  in  the  evening  600  of  the  In- 
dians started  out  on  a  grand  buffalo  hunt,  from  which 
they  returned  in  less  than  three  hours,  bringing  one, 
two  or  three  cow's-tongues  each,  as  evidence  of  their  suc- 
cess and  the  vast  number  of  the  animals  on  the  plains. 

Four  leagues  above  this  point  they  came  in  sight  of 
a  great  range  of  mountains  which  skirted  the  east  side 
of  the  river,  and  soon  after  had  their  first  view  of  the 
celebrated  city  of  Quivira,  the  goal  of  their  expedition, 
which  they  found  situated  on  a  beautiful  prairie,  on  a 
branch  of  the  Mischipi,  which  flowed  from  the  moun- 
tains till  it  joined  the  main  stream.  Here  without 
crossing  the  river,  Penalosa  encamped,  and  with  great 
difficulty  restrained  the  Escanxaques  from  pressing  on 
to  an  immediate  attack  upon  the  city,  which,  since  their 
alliance  with  the  Spaniards,  they  felt  to  be  within  their 
power. 

Crowds  of  people  in  enormous  numbers  were  seen  in 
front  of  the  city,  and  soon  a  deputation  of  seventy  chiefs 
(caciques)  came  to  visit  the  Spanish  ,  commander  and 
welcome  him  to  the  country ;  at  the  same  time  they 
evinced  considerable  uneasiness  at  finding  him  in  com- 
pany with  their  inveterate  enemies,  the  Escanxaques. 
Penalosa  treated  them  with  great  consideration,  making 
them  presents  of  such  things  as  pleased  their  fancy,  and 
impressing  upon  them  his  desire  for  friendly  intercourse, 
and  the  importance  of  such  commerce  to  themselves. 


184  PENALOSA. 

He  also  endeavored  to  instill  a  first  lesson  in  religion  by 
causing  an  altar  to  be  erected,  the  Salve  and  Litany  to 
be  sung,  and  other  ceremonies  performed.  In  return, 
they  delivered  presents  of  provisions  of  various  kinds, 
and  skins  and  furs  in  great  abundance,  saying  that  these 
were  but  an  earnest  of  the  hospitality  they  would  show 
when  he  should  cross  the  river  and  enter  their  city  on 
the  next  day. 

The  Caciques  then  retired,  with  the  exception  of  two, 
whom  Penalosa  induced  to  stay,  that  he  might  converse 
more  fully  with  them  regarding  the  country  and  its 
inhabitants.  These  chiefs  gave  a  most  inviting  account 
of  the  land  across  the  river,  telling  that  the  city  of 
Quivira  was  so  large  that  the  end  of  it  would  require 
more  than  two  days  to  reach,  and  that  the  country 
between  the  Mischipi  and  the  range  of  mountains  then 
in  sight  was  well  watered  by  numerous  streams  flow- 
ing from  the  hills  to  the  river,  on  which  were  countless 
cities  and  towns  of  their  nation,  some  being  larger  even 
than  Quivira  itself.  They  then  went  on  to  say  that 
from  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  range  ran  other  streams, 
which  flowed  into  a  very  large  salt-water  lake,  the  ulti- 
mate extent  of  which  they  did  not  know  (but  which 
Friar  Nicolas  says,  was  doubtless  the  Atlantic  Ocean), 
and  that  that  country  was  even  more  thickly  populated 
than  the  land  of  Quivira,  and  contained  greater  cities, 
the  whole  being  ruled  over  by  one  mighty  king ;  and 
that  perpetual  war  existed  between  the  nation  on  the 
east  of  the  mountain — called  the  Ahijaos — and  their  own. 
They  also  spoke  of  powerful  nations  to  the  north,  and 
of  another  great  lake,  which  was  surrounded  by  splen- 
did cities.  So  interested  was  Penalosa  in  hearing  of 
these  magnificent  fields  for  future  enterprise  and  valor, 
that  the  conversation  continued  till  midnight,  when 
the  Chiefs  were  conducted  to  a  place  to  sleep.  But 
they,  fearful  at  their  proximity  to  their  Indian  enemies, 
and,  as  the  sequel  proved,  with  a  more  correct  idea  of 


PENALOSA.  185 

their  character  than  had  Penalosa  himself,  quickly 
escapee^  across  the  river, — and  none  too  soon  ;  for  before 
morni'iig  the  Escanxaques,  without  disturbing  the 
Spanish  army,  stealthily  attacked  the  city,  killing  and 
burning  as  they  went,  and  causing  such  consternation 
that  the  inhabitants  fled,  leaving  not  even  one  behind, 
As  soon  as  this  was  discovered,  and  before  dawn,  Pena- 
losa pressed  across  with  his  army,  anxious  to  save  the 
city  from  pillage  or  conflagration. 

The  chronicler  describes  Quivira  as  charmingly  situ- 
ated on  both  banks  of  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Mis- 
chipi,  with  streets  of  great  length,  and  highways  enter- 
ing at  regular  intervals  from  the  surrounding  country. 
The  houses  were  generally  circular,  and  two,  three,  and 
even  four  stories  in  height,  the  frame-work  being  of  a 
very  strong,  solid,  and  knotty  cane,  and  the  roofs  made 
most  skillfully  of  straw.  The  Spanish  army  marched 
for  two  leagues  through  the  town,  without  coming  to 
its  terminus,  when  the  commander  sent  a  company  of 
twenty-five  soldiers,  under  Francisco  de  Madrid,  to 
explore  further,  but  even  they  failed  to  find  the  end  of 
this  wonderful  city  ;  but  all  could  see  that  the  country 
between  the  mountains  and  the  river — the  distance 
being  six  or  seven  leagues — was  like  a  paradise  for  fer- 
tility and  beauty. 

Then  Don  Diego,  finding  that  all  the  inhabitants  had 
fled,  and  not  wishing  at  that  time  to  undertake  an  expe- 
dition over  the  mountains,  concluded  to  return ;  but 
found  himself  confronted  by  a  new  danger,  for  the 
Escanxaques  having  been  joined  by  a  large  body  of  their 
countrymen,  so  that  they  now  amounted  to  7,000, 
.and  exasperated  at  having  been  frustrated  in  their 
design  to  sack  the  city,  and  not  recognizing  their  obli- 
gation towards  their  late  allies,  commenced  hostilities  ; 
and  a  fierce  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  Spaniards  suf- 
fered largely,  on  account  of  the  shower  of  arrows  which 
assailed  them,  but  finally  by  the  display  of  great  valor 


186  ,  PENALOSA. 

and  the  "superiority  of  bullets  over  arrows,"  defeated 
their  enemies  with  great  slaughter,  killing,  we  are  told, 
more  than  3,000  of  them  in  three  hours,  and  put- 
ting the  remainder  to  flight,  This  battle  occurred  on 
the  llth  of  June,  and  then  the  expedition  returned  by 
the  route  which  it  had  previously  taken,  to  New  Mexico. 

This  is  the  story  of  the  most  chivalrous  and  ambitious 
of  all  the  attempt  to  penetrate  into  the  interior  of  the 
continent.  What  point  was  really  reached  is  a  matter 
not  yet  certainly  determined.  Scarcely  a  more  interesting 
question  exists  in  the  early  history  of  America  than  the 
exact  location  of  this  "  Quivira,"  which  was  so  famous  in 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,and  was  the  goal 
of  so  many  hopes  among  the  adventurous  and  ambitious 
cavaliers  of  that  day.  All  that  we  can  glean  positively 
from  this  narrative  of  Friar  Nicolas  is  that  Penalosa 
proceeded  easterly  across  the  plains  for  three  months, 
travelling  about  500  miles  without  seeing  a  mountain, 
and  then  reached  the  right  bank  of  a  great  river,  running 
south-east ;  that  a  day's  journey  farther  up  was  abend  in 
the  river,  which  above  that  ran  directly  south,  and  that 
about  four  leagues  beyond,  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
where  an  important  branch  came  in  from  the  mountains, 
was  the  city  of  Quivira,  situated  on  both  sides  of  the 
tributary  stream  ;  and  that  a  range  of  mountains  ran 
from  north-west  to  south-east  about  six  or  seven  leagues 
from  the  river.  The  distance  from  Santa  Fe  would 
answer  very  well  for  a  point  either  on  the  Arkansas  or 
the  Missouri,  and  both  rivers  have  tributaries  from  the 
east,  which  would  fill  the  description  given  of  the  branch 
on  which  Quivira  was  situated.  But  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  with  regard  to  the  range  of  mountains  near 
the  river  to  the  eastward,  unless  it  is  considered  to  be  a 
great  exaggeration  of  the  bluffs  which  separate  the  bot- 
tom-lands in  several  places  from  the  interior  uplands. 

Twice  we  have  records  of  bands  of  Indians  from 
Quivira  coming  to  Santa  Fe.  Once  in  1606,  as  already 


PEftALOSA.  187 

narrated,  a  few  years  after  Onate's  expedition  to  their 
city,  some  800  men  of  Quivira  came  to  ask  that  Governor 
to  aid  them  in  repelling  the  fierce  attacks  of  the  Ayjaos, 
their  enemies,  across  the  range  of  mountains.  They 
gave  glowing  descriptions  of  the  riches  of  their  adversa- 
ries, and  the  amount  of  gold  to  be  found  in  their  country ; 
probably  heightened  with  the  view  of  inducing  the 
Spaniards  to  invade  that  country,  and  with  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  peculiar  attractions  of  the  precious  metal  to 
European  adventurers.  And  again,  in  the  latter  part 
of  1662,  very  shortly  after  the  return  of  Penalosa,  there 
came  across  the  plains  to  Santa  Fe  another  expedition, 
consisting  of  more  than  700  Quivirans,  headed  by  a 
powerful  chief,  to  bring  thanks  to  the  Spaniards  for 
having  defeated  the  Escanxaques  ;  and  apparently  with 
the  same  object  as  before,  to  give  so  highly  colored  an 
account  of  the  land  of  the  Ayjaos  as  to  induce  a  Mexican 
expedition  against  them.  These  Quivirans  were  accom- 
panied by  trains  of  dogs  carrying  furs  and  skins  as  a 
present ;  and  two  of  the  Indians  were  left  by  the  chief 
with  Penalosa,  in  order  to  show  him  a  shorter  route  than 
he  had  before  pursued,  in  case  he  would  return  to 
Quivira  the  next  year. 

This  shorter  route  seems  to  have  been  by  Taos,  as 
Freytas  says  that  the  Quivirans  told  them  that  the 
most  direct  road  was  by  that  town,  and  adds  his  own 
belief,  that  "the  nine  large  towns  which  are  seventy 
leagues  from  here,  in  a  direct  line  from  the  Tahos  towards 
the  north,  are  the  beginning  of  these  unknown  king- 
doms, and  that  from  them  the  settled  country 
continues,  and  further  on  the  settlements  become  more 
numerous."  This  seems  to  lead  conclusively  to  the 
opinion,  that  Quivira  was  farther  north  than  any  local- 
ity of  the  proper  distance  on  the  Arkansas,  and  points 
to  the  Missouri,  as  being  the  Mischipi  of  the  narrative. 
Scales' map  of  America,  printed  in  Churchill's  Voyages, 
accompanying  the  narrative  of  Dr.  John  Francis  Gemelli 


188  PENALOSA. 

Careri's  travels  in  New  Spain  (Vol.   Ill,  p.  480),  puts 
the    "Essanapes  Country"  north-east  of  the   Missouri 
and  Kansas,  and  even  north  of  the  supposed  "Morte   or 
Longue"  River,  much  of  which  was  really  the  Missouri. 
Taking  every  source  of  information  into  considera- 
tion,  the  conclusion   would  therefore  be  that  Quivira 
was  situated  near  the  east  bank  of  the  Missouri  River, 
somewhere  between  the  present  cities  of  St.  Joseph  and 
Council  Bluffs,  on  an  eastern  branch,  which  may  have 
been  the  Nodaway  or  the  Nishabotony.     It  is  almost 
certain  that  Pefialosa  could  not  have  gone  as  far  north 
as  the  Platte,  or  mention  would  have  been  made  of  so 
important  a  stream,  unless,  indeed,  the  Spaniards  con- 
sidered the  Platte  the  main  stream,  in  which  case  the 
Missouri  may  have  been  the  branch  from  the  north-east, 
on  which  Quivira  was  situated,  and  the  heights  in  the 
vicinity  of  Council  Bluffs,  the  range  of  mountains  seen 
in  the  distance. 

The  subsequent  history  of  Pefialosa  may  be  briefly 
stated.  After  returning  from  his  expedition  he  engaged 
in  erecting  public  buildings,  and  founding  new  towns; 
but  he  soon  came,  like  his  predecessor,  into  collision 
with  the  dictatorial  agents  of  the  Inquisition,  and 
finally  arrested  the  Commissary -General  and  impris- 
oned him  for  a  week  in  the  Palace  at  Santa  F6.  As 
soon  as  he  could  arrange  it,  he  returned  to  the  City  of 
Mexico  in  order  to  interest  the  Viceroy  in  a  grand 
scheme  of  conquest  to  follow  up  his  discoveries  at  Qui- 
vira; but  the  agents  of  the  Inquisition  followed  him, 
had  him  arrested,  and  punished  by  imprisonment  and 
fine.  He  then  determined  to  proceed  to  Spain  to  get 
redress;  but  being  carried  to  the  Canary  Islands,  his 
only  means  of  passage  was  in  a  vessel  to  England. 
There  the  Spanish  ambassador  regarded  him  with  sus- 
picion— which  was  increased  by  his  attempts  to  proceed 
to  Spain  by  way  of  France.  At  length,  apparently  ex- 
asperated by  lack  of  appreciation  on  the  part  of  his 


PENALOSA. 


189 


own  countrymen,  he  determined  to  apply  to  the  French 
Government;  and  presented  to  it  a  proposition  for  the 
establishment  of  a  colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  the  conquest  of  a  large  district  of  coun- 
try, by  expeditions  from  that  point.  Nothing  came  of 
it,  however,  and  the  Ex-Governor  died  at  Paris  in  1687. 
Had  he  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  interest  which  was 
necessary  for  a  new  expedition  to,  and  conquest  of,  the 
regions  of  Quivira  and  the  North-east,  the  history  of 
the  continent  might  have  been  materially  changed;  and 
the  Mississippi  Valley  might  have  been  peopled  from 
Spain,  instead  of  by  the  French  and  English. 


CHAPTEE    XII. 


THE    EEVOLUTION   OF    1680. 

T7VROM  the  time  of  his  first  leadership  in  1675,  Pope 
•*•  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  unite  the  whole  na- 
tive population  in  a  war  of  extermination  against  the 
Spaniards.  He  was  a  man  of  great  ability  and  natural 
resources,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  feelings  of 
his  countrymen  and  the  best,  methods  of  influencing 
them,  and  endowed  with  an  eloquence  which  seldom 
failed  to  effect  its  purpose.  He  devoted  himself  to  the 
work  of  arousing  the  people  to  resistance,  and  traversed 
the  country  from  pueblo  to  pueblo  to  induce  concert  oi 
action  and  forgetfulness  of  local  jealousies.  Knowing 
their  reverence  for  the  supernatural,  he  claimed  to  be 
specially  commissioned  from  heaven  to  drive  the  Span- 
iards from  the  land  and  restore  the  people  to  their  an- 
cient peace  and  happiness;  and  at  the  same  time  he 
stated  that  he  had  aid  from  the  lower  regions  as  well, 
three  spirits  named  Caidit,  Tilim,  and  Tlesime,  envel- 
oped in  flames  which  shot  from  every  extremity  of 
their  bodies,  having  appeared  to  him  in  the  estufa 
at  Taos,  and  given  him  counsel  as  to  the  revolution. 
Leading  Indians  from  other  nations  and  pueblos  aided 
Pope  in  this  work  of  preparation  ;  prominent  among 
them  being  Catite,  of  the  Queres  nation,  Jaca,  of  Taos, 
and  Francisco,  of  San  Yldefonso ;  and  he  also  had  an 
efficient  lieutenant  in  a  neighbor  of  his  own  pueblo, 
named  Tacu.  The  precise  cause  which  led  to  the  fix- 
ing of  the  time  for  the  outbreak  is  a  little  obscure. 
The  tradition  which  seems  too  universal  not  to  be  true 
tells  us  that  the  caving  in  of  the  shaft  of  a  mine,  in 
which  a  large  number  of  Indians  had  been  forced  to 


REVOLUTION   OF    1680.  191 

labor,  and  the  consequent  burying  alive  and  destruction 
of  many  of  them,  was  the  "  last  straw "  which  ex- 
hausted the  long-tried  patience  of  the  natives,  and  pre- 
cipitated the  revolt. 

Pope  sent  swift  messengers  to  the  pueblos  conveying 
a  rope  made  of  the  fibre  of  the  Amole,  in  which  were  a 
number  of  knots  corresponding  to  the  days  before  the 
time  fixed  for  the  uprising,  and  bearing  a  message  of 
invitation  to  join  in  the  work,  and  of  threatening  to 
those  who  refused.  Every  effort  was  made  to  insure 
absolute  secrecy,  and  a  freedom  from  the  treachery 
which  had  wrecked  former  attempts.  Not  a  woman  was 
entrusted  with  the  secret,  and  a  continued  watch  was 
maintained  on  every  man  suspected  of  being  unfaithful. 
So  determined  were  they  to  achieve  success  this  time 
that  Pope"  killed  with  his  own  hands  his  son-in-law, 
Nicolas  Bua,  Governor  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan,  who 
had  given  cause  for  suspicion  of  his  loyalty.  The  day 
appointed  was  August  10,  1680,  and  as  it  approached, 
the  fullest  preparations  consistent  with  secrecy  were 
made  in  all  the  pueblos.  But  all  of  these  precautions 
were  unsuccessful,  for  two  days  before  the  prearranged 
time,  two  Indians  of  Tesuque,  whose  nearness  to  the 
Capital  made  them  specially  intimate  with  the  Span- 
iards, betrayed  the  entire  plot  to  the  Governor,  Don 
Antonio  Otermin. 

News  of  this  treachery  was  immediately  conveyed  to 
the  Pueblo  leaders,  and  they  determined  that  their  only 
chance  of  success  was  in  an  immediate  attack  on  the 
Spaniards,  without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  day 
agreed  on;  and  that  very  night  in  all  the  pueblos  to 
which  the  news  had  reached,  a  simultaneous  attack  was 
made  on  the  Christians  and  all  were  slaughtered  without 
regard  to  age  or  sex,  except  a  few  girls,  reserved  for 
wives  of  the  young  braves.  The  wisdom  of  this  decis- 
ion to  anticipate  the  day  selected  was  soon  seen  in  the 
consternation  of  the  Spanish  authorities  and  people  at 


192  REVOLUTION   OF    1680. 

Santa  Fe,  who  were  entirely  unprepared  for  the  sudden 
uprising.  The  Governor  took  every  measure  possible 
for  the  defense  of  the  city,  and  sent  messengers  to  all 
the  Spanish  settlements,  directing  the  people  at  the 
north  to  concentrate  at  the  capital;  and  those  at  the 
south  to  gather  at  Isleta,  which  was  to  be  fortified  by 
the  Lieutenant  Governor.  The  Spaniards  lost  no  time  in 
seeking  these  places  of  safety,  some  succeeding  in  reach- 
ing them,  but  many  others,  being  overtaken  on  the  road 
or  found  at  their  houses  before  the  news  had  reached 
them,  were  killed  without  mercy.  The  people  of  the 
northern  villages,  finding  it  dangerous  to  attempt  to 
reach  Santa  Fe,  collected  at  Santa  Cruz,  which  they 
fortified  as  thoroughly  as  possible  in  the  hope  of  resist- 
ing any  attack,  but  on  the  llth  the  Pueblos  carried 
the  town  by  storm  and  massacred  all  the  people  they 
could  find,  and  then  proceeded  on  the  march  toward 
Santa  Fe. 

All  the  Indians  in  the  Territory  from  Pecos  to  Moqui 
were  thoroughly  united  in  the  revolution,  and  soon 
news  came  to  the  Governor  that  armies  were  concen- 
trating upon  the  capital  from  all  directions.  Spies 
sent  to  the  Galisteo  brought  tidings  of  the  approach  of 
the  Tanos  Indians,  while  the  Teguas  with  their  Apache 
allies  were  marching  from  the  north.  Everything 
possible  was  done  by  the  Spaniards  to  provide  for  their 
defense.  The  houses  in  the  outskirts  were  abandoned,  all 
the  people  gathering  in  the  plaza  and  the  buildings 
which  bordered  upon  it;  the  entrances  to  the  plaza 
were  fortified,  the  palace  put  into  condition  to  stand  a 
siege  and  all  the  citizens  were  supplied  with  arms  and 
ammunition.  It  was  perfectly  understood  that  the  war 
on  the  part  of  the  Pueblos  was  one  of  extermination, 
so  that  the  condition  of  the  Christians  was  critical  in  the 
extreme.  The  natives  were  flushed  with  success  and 
confident  of  victory.  They  declared  that  the  God  of 
the  white  man  was  dead,  but  that  their  God,  the  Sun, 


REVOLUTION    OF    1680.  193 

could  not  die.  Religious  feeling  was  a  very  strong  ele- 
ment among  the  causes  which  led  to  the  revolution,  and 
a  bitter  hatred  to  the  Christianity  of  the  Spaniards  was 
evinced  in  almost  every  act  during  the  struggle. 

Scarcely  were  the  hasty  fortifications  at  Santa  Fe* 
completed,  when  the  Tanos  Indians  were  seen  approach- 
ing from  the  south,  coming  so  near  as  to  occupy  the 
abandoned  houses  in  the  suburbs.  Governor  Otermin 
wisely  endeavored  to  treat  with  them  before  their  allies 
from  the  north  should  appear,  and  so  sent  a  deputation  to 
confer  with  them,  but  without  result.  The  Indians 
said  that  they  had  brought  with  them  two  crosses,  one 
red  and  one  white,  signifying  war  and  peace — that  the 
Spaniards  might  take  their  choice  ;  but  if  they  chose 
"  peace,"  they  must  immediately  leave  the  country  to 
its  original  possessors.  Not  being  prepared  for  such  an 
abandonment,  and  negotiation  having  failed,  the  Gov- 
ernor concluded  to  make  an  attack  and  endeavor  to 
drive  these  enemies  from  the  field  before  the  others 
approached ;  and  accordingly,  a  vigorous  sortie  was  made 
by  the  garrison.  But  it  was  met  with  equal  gallantry 
by  the  Indians,  and  soon  all  the  available  Spaniards  had 
to  join  in  the  battle,  which  was  fiercely  contested 
throughout  the  entire  day.  The  native  loss  far  ex- 
ceeded that  of  the  Christians  ;  but  their  superior  num- 
bers enabled  them  to  hold  their  ground,  and  toward 
evening  the  appearance  of  the  Teguan  army  on  the  hills 
to  the  north  forced  the  Spaniards  to  return  to  their 
fortifications  and  prepare  for  the  combined  attack,  to 
which  they  might  now  be  subjected  at  any  moment. 

The  Indians,  however,  did  not  seem  disposed  to  risk 
an  open  assault,  but  contented  themselves  with  the 
safer  and  surer  method  of  a  regular  siege.  They  cut 
off  the  water  supply  of  the  city,  and  invested  it  so 
closely  as  to  produce  great  distress.  The  number  of  the 
Spaniards  was  upwards  of  1,000,  but  they  included 
men,  women,  and  children,  and  the  available  force  of 


194  REVOLUTION    OF    1680. 

fighting  men  did  not  reach  200,  and  was  being  daily  re- 
duced from  various  causes ;  while  the  armies  of  the 
Pueblos  were  continually  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
fresh  parties  from  the  various  villages,  until  they 
amounted  to  nearly  3,000  men.  The  situation  became 
more  and  more  desperate  as  time  passed,  and  finally  a 
sortie  was  determined  on  as  presenting  the  only  chance 
of  relief,  and  that  only  as  being  less  dangerous  than  the 
sure  destruction  by  continued  siege.  This  was  at- 
tempted on  the  morning  of  August  19th,  and  was  so 
gallantly  conducted  that  the  lines  of  the  enemy  were 
broken,  a  large  number  slain,  and  no  less  than  forty- 
seven  taken  prisoners,  the  Indians  retiring  to  the  east 
and  north  of  the  town.  Both  sides  seem  to  have  been 
equally  determined  in  this  conflict,  as  we  are  told  that 
all  the  prisoners  after  a  brief  examination  were  executed 
in  the  Plaza.  A  hasty  council  of  war  was  held,  and 
after  some  discussion  it  was  concluded  that  notwith- 
standing their  temporary  success,  the  safest  course,  con- 
sidering their  reduced  condition  and  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions, was  to  evacuate  the  town  while  the  road  was 
open.  No  time  was  lost  in  carrying  this  determination 
into  effect.  Preparations  were  made  during  the  night, 
and  at  day-break  of  the  next  day  (August  21),  they  left 
the  capital  to  its  fate  and  commenced  the  long  march 
toward  the  south.  Not  enough  horses  remained  to 
carry  even  the  sick  and  wounded ;  so  that  all  the  in- 
habitants, including  women  and  children,  had  to  pro- 
ceed on  foot,  carrying  such  articles  as  they  needed  in 
bundles,  like  the  pilgrims  of  old.  Fortunately,  they 
were  not  attacked  or  in  any  way  molested,  the  Indians, 
who  watched  them  from  the  adjacent  hills,  being  entirely 
satisfied  so  long  as  the  country  was  to  be  abandoned. 
They  followed  the  retreating  Spaniards  at  a  distance  for 
about  seventy  miles,  to  see  that  they  continued  their 
march  towards  Mexico,  and  then  returned  to  enjoy  the 
hoped-for  fruits  of  their  victory,  in  the  peaceable  occu- 


REVOLUTION   OF    1680.  195 

pation  of  the  country  and  the  practice  of  the  faith  of 
their  forefathers. 

At  Alamillo  the  Governor  met  his  adjutant,  Pedro 
Leiva,  with  a  re-inforcement  of  forty  men,  but  contin- 
ued to  travel  down  the  river,  hoping  to  find  the 
Christians  of  the  southern  villages  congregated  at 
Isleta.  In  this,  however,  he,  was  disappointed,  as  they 
had  already  marched,  under  the  Lieutenant-Governor, 
to  El  Paso.  All  along  the  route  the  towns  were  deserted 
and  laid  waste,  and  all  provisions,  including  standing 
corn,  had  been  destroyed  or  carried  away.  This  occa- 
sioned great  distress,  and  finally  the  company  became 
so  enfeebled  that  it  could  proceed  no  further,  and  was 
forced-to  send  south  for  assistance.  Father  Ayeta,  of 
•El  Paso,  responded  with  four  wagon-loads  of  corn,  and 
the  Lieutenant-Governor  with  a  portion  of  his  own 
scanty  store  ;  and  thus,  partially  relieved,  they  contin- 
ued on,  joining  the  company  which  had  collected  at 
Isleta,  and  finally  making  a  winter  encampment  at 
San  Lorenzo,  about  thirty  miles  north  of  El  Paso,  where 
there  was  abundant  wood  and  water.  Here  they  built 
rude  houses,  all,  from  the  Governor  to  the  small  chil- 
dren, taking  their  parts  in  the  work ;  and  remained  till 
spring,  losing  a  large  portion  of  their  number,  who  fled 
from  the  privations  of  the  camp  to  seek  an  asylum  in 
villages  of  Chihuahua  and  Sonora,  and  subsisting  fre- 
quently on  wild  fruits,  mesquite,  beans,  and  mescal ; 
their  wretchedness  being  enhanced  by  the  constant  fear 
of  attack  by  neighboring  Indians. 

The  unfortunate  priests,  who  were  left  in  the  midst 
of  the  Indians,  met  with  horrible  fates.  Not  one 
escaped  martyrdom.  At  Zuni,  three  Franciscans  had 
been  stationed — Fathers  Analiza,  Espinosa,  and  Calsada. 
When  the  news  of  the  Spanish  retreat  reached  that 
town,  the  people  dragged  these  priests  from  their  cells, 
stripped  and  stoned  them,  and  afterwards  compelled  the 
servant  of  Analiza  to  finish  the  work  by  shooting  them. 
Having  thus  whetted  their  appetite  for  cruelty  and  ven- 


196  REVOLUTION    OF    1680. 

geance,  the  Indians  started  to  carry  the  news  of  their 
independence  to  Moqui,  and  signalized  their  arrival  by 
the  barbarous  murder  of  the  two  missionaries  who 
were  living  there,  Padre  Juan  de  Vallada  and  Brother 
Jesus  de  Lombarde.  Their  bodies  were  left  unburied, 
as  a  prey  for  the  wild  beasts.  At  Jemez,  they  indulged 
in  every  refinement  of  cruelty.  The  old  priest,  Jesus 
Morador,  was  seized  in  his  bed  at  night,  stripped  naked 
and  mounted  on  a  hog,  and  thus  paraded  through  the 
streets,  while  the  crowd  shouted  and  yelled  around. 
Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  then  forced  him  to  carry 
them  as  a  beast  would,  crawling  on  his  hands  and  feet, 
until,  from  repeated  beating  and  the  cruel  tortures  of 
sharp  spurs,  he  fell  dead  in  their  midst.  A  similar  chap- 
ter of  horrors  was  enacted  at  Acoma,  where  the  three4 
priests,  Fathers  Maldonado,  Figeroa,  and  Mora,  were 
stripped,  tied  together  with  hair  rope,  and  so  driven 
through  the  streets,  and  finally  stoned  to  death.  So 
utterly  did  the  mild  nature  of  the  Pueblo  Indians  ap- 
pear to  have  been  changed  in  half  a  century !  and  so 
terribly  did  the  persecutions  which  the  misdirected 
zeal  of  some  of  the  ecclesiastics  inaugurated,  react  on 
others,  many  of  whom  were  men  of  great  kindness  and 
benevolence,  and  all  of  whom  had  shown  rnarked  self- 
sacrifice  and  zeal ! 

Thus  ended  the  first  act  in  the  drama  of  a  renewal  of 
aboriginal  control.  About  100  Spaniards  had  been 
killed  thus  far  during  the  conflict,  and  with  them 
a  number  of  christianized  Indians  who  adhered  to  their 
new  religion.  The  priests  had  been  special  objects  of 
hatred  to  the  revolutionists,  and  no  less  than  eighteen 
of  them  had  fallen  a  sacrifice.  Of  the  Indians  a  far  greater 
number  had  been  killed,  but  the  survivors  had  the  sat- 
isfaction of  seeing  their  object  accomplished.  Not  a 
Christian  remained  free  within  the  limits  of  New 
Mexico,  and  those  who  had  been  dominant  a  few  months 
before  were  now  wretched  and  half-starved  fugitives,, 
huddled  together  in  the  rude  huts  of  San  Lorenzo. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


THE    PUEBLO    GOVERNMENT  — 1680   TO    1692. 

AS  soon  as  the  Spaniards  had  retreated  from  the 
country,  the  Pueblo  Indians  gave  themselves  up 
for  a  time  to  rejoicing,  and  to  the  destruction  of  every- 
thing which  could  remind  them  of  the  Europeans,  their 
religion,  and  their  domination.  The  army  which  had 
besieged  Santa  Fe  quickly  entered  that  city,  took  pos- 
session of  the  palace  as  the  seat  of  government,  and  com- 
menced the  work  of  demolition.  The  churches  and  the 
monastery  of  the  Franciscans  were  burned  with  all  their 
contents,  amid  the  almost  frantic  acclamations  of  the 
natives.  The  gorgeous  vestments  of  the  priests  had  been 
dragged  out  before  the  conflagration,  and  now  were  worn 
in  derision  by  Indians,  who  rode  through  the  streets  at 
full  speed,  shouting  for  joy.  The  official  documents  and 
books  in  the  palace  were  brought  forth,  and  made  fuel 
for  a  bonfire  in  the  center  of  the  plaza ;  and  here  also 
they  danced  the  cachina,  with  all  the  accompanying  relig- 
ious ceremonies  of  the  olden  time.  Everything  imag- 
inable was  done  to  show  their  detestation  of  the  Christain 
faith,  and  their  determination  utterly  to  eradicate 
even  its  memory.  Those  who  had  been  baptized  were 
washed  with  amole  in  the  Rio  Chiquito,  in  order  to  be 
cleansed  from  the  infection  of  Christianity.  All  baptismal 
names  were  discarded,  marriages  celebrated  by  Christian 
priests  were  annulled,  the  very  mention  of  the  names 
Jesus  and  Mary  was  made  an  offense,and  estufas  were  con- 
structed to  take  the  place  of  the  ruined  churches. 

The  chief  authority  was  conferred  on  Pope,  who  had 
been  the  leader  throughout  all  the  preparation  for  the 
revolution,  and  who  now  established  himself  at  Santa 


198  1680  TO  1692. 

Fe*.  Believing  that  the  next  spring  would  see  a  renewed 
attempt  to  establish  the  Spanish  power,  with  prudent 
foresight  he  endeavored  to  strengthen  the  bonds  between 
the  different  Pueblo  nations,  and  even  to  effect  a  per- 
manent alliance  with  the  Apaches,  by  proposing 
marriages  with  that  tribe.  To  attain  these  objects,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  aid  in  establishing  the  new  order  of 
things,  he  made  a  kind  of  royal  progress  through  the 
whole  territory,  journeying  on  horseback  from  pueblo 
to  pueblo,  and  everywhere  receiving  the  highest  honors. 
He  was  preceded  by  envoys  to  give  notice  of  his  ap- 
^proach,  and  was  generally  accompanied  by  Catite,  Jaca, 
and  Cupavo,  who  had  been  his  most  faithful  and 
active  Lieutenants.  His  commands  were  implicitly 
obeyed,  and  for  a  time  he  possessed  almost  absolute 
authority;  but  as  usual  in  cases  of  sudden  elevation, 
his  vanity  and  arrogance  soon  became  almost  insup- 
portable, and  the  Pueblos  were  forced  to  place  limitations 
on  the  exercise  of  his  power.  His  primary  object  dur- 
ing this  grand  tour  appears  to  have  been,  as  at  Santa 
Fe,  to  obliterate  all  remembrance  of  the  days  of  their 
thraldom,  and  to  re-establish  every  ancient  custom.  The 
use  of  the  Spanish  language  was  strictly  prohibited, 
even  the  planting  of  grains  and  seeds  introduced  by 
the  invaders  was  forbidden;  all  churches  and  monas- 
teries were  to  be  burned,  and  every  crucifix,  cross,  pict- 
ure, or  other  article  used  in  the  Christian  ceremonials, 
was  to  be  absolutely  destroyed.  At  the  same  time  the 
mines  in  which  the  people  had  suffered  such  brutal 
slavery  were  to  be  filled  up,  and  their  very  locations 
obliterated  as  far  as  possible.  Pope  still  assumed  to 
have  supernatural  assistance,  and  like  other  self-called 
prophets,  promulgated  from  time  to  time  communica- 
tions from  the  higher  powers,  as  seemed  desirable  for  the 
development  of  his  purposes.  He  possessed  much  ad- 
ministrative ability,  coupled  with  energy  and  tact,  and 
even  with  the  drawbacks  presented  by  his  occasional 


1680  TO  1692.  199 

selfishness  and  cruelty,was  undoubtedly  the  best  leader 
whom  the  natives  possessed.  For  a  short  time,  when 
incensed  at  some  special  instance  of  his  tyranny,  they 
substituted  Cupavo  for  him  in  the  seat  of  power,  but 
were  glad  after  a  little  experience  to  recall  their  old  and 
tried  leader. 

Meanwhile  Governor  Otermin  had  not  been  idle.  As 
soon  as  the  spring  opened  in  1681,  he  had  commenced 
preparations  for  the  reconquest  of  his  dominion  ;  but  it 
was  not  till  fall  that  he  received  the  special  authorization 
required  from  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Even  then  he 
encountered  great  difficulties  from  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions and  ammunition,  and  for  lack  of  other  armor, 
was  finally  compelled  to  protect  his  men  with  shields 
and  other  defenses  made  of  ox-hide.  At  last,  after  much 
delay,  he  organized  an  army  of  about  1,000  soldiers, 
mostly  cavalry,  including  all  the  able-bodied  men  who 
had  been  driven  from  their  New  Mexican  homes,  and 
who  for  greater  efficiency  left  their  families  at  San  Lo- 
renzo. A  number  of  friendly  Indians  also  constituted  a 
part  of  his  force.  When  fully  equipped,  the  army 
started  on  its  march,  on  the  5th  of  November,  and  crossed 
the  Rio  Grande  at  the  well-known  ford,  at  Paso  del 
Norte.  They  pushed  on  by  rapid  marches  up  the 
river,  crossed  the  Jornada  del  Muerto,  and  on  November 
27th  arrived  at  a  point  opposite  the  village  of  Senecu, 
which  was  the  most  southerly  of  the  Pueblo  towns.  A 
party  was  sent  across  the  river  to  examine  this  place, 
and  found  it  deserted  and  in  ruins,  with  the  appearance 
of  having  been  captured  in  war  and  pillaged.  The 
priests  collected  the  few  remains  of  church  ornaments 
and  crosses  and  burned  them  ;  and  the  work  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  town  was  then  completed  by  fire.  The 
next  day  the  army  passed  the  ruins  of  San  Pascual,  and 
on  the  succeeding  one  the  Governor  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande  to  visit  the  town  of  Our  Lady  of  Succor, 
(Socorro).  This  town  was  also  deserted,  and  showed  ev- 


200  1680  TO  1692. 

idences  of  having  been  taken  by  assault.  The  plaza 
was  barricaded  by  a  strong  wall,  many  of  the  houses 
were  half  in  ruins,  and  'the  images  and  crosses  which 
had  been  concealed  in  the  church  were  broken  and  de- 
stroyed. Though  the  town  itself  presented  no  attrac- 
tions, Otermin  was  charmed  by  its  beautiful  situation, 
and  paid  a  special  visit  to  the  warm  spring,  now  so  well 
known,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain. 

Thus  the  army  marched  up  the  valley,  finding  noth- 
ing but  deserted  villages  and  ruins,  until  they  reached 
Isleta.  Here  there  were  a  number  of  inhabitants,  but 
they  were  surprised  at  the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  made  very  little  resistance.  When  assembled  in 
the  plaza  and  questioned  by  the  General,  they  denied 
having  taken  any  part  in  the  destruction  of  the  church 
and  sacred  vessels,  saying  that  that  had  been  done  by 
the  army  from  the  northern  pueblos,  which  had  come 
soon  after  the  Spanish  retreat,  burned  the  church,  and 
commanded  every  one  to  return  to  the  old  religion. 
Otermin  commanded  crosses  to  be  erected  in  the  plaza 
and  the  houses,  and  a  procession  was  then  formed  to 
meet  Father  Ayeta,  the  principal  priest  of  the  expedi- 
tion, who  was  now  approaching.  He  came  singing  an 
anthem,  to  which  the  Indians  responded;  and  the  next 
day  religious  services  were  held  in  the  plaza,  at  which 
the  priest  urged  the  people  to  return  to  Christianity, 
and  granted  them  absolution  for  past  offenses.  A  num- 
ber of  children  were  then  baptized,  the  first  one  being 
christened  "Carlos,"  after  the  reigning  King  of  Spain; 
the  Governor  himself  standing  as  sponsor.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  the  ceremonies,  which  lasted  two  days,  Oter- 
min graciously  pardoned  the  people  for  all  crimes  against 
the  King;  and  the  Indians,  having  thus  received  both 
heavenly  and  earthly  absolution,  promised  to  remain 
good  Christians  and  loyal  subjects  for  the  future. 

From  this  point  the  Governor  dispatched  Don  Juan 
Dominguez  de  Mendoza,  the  general  of  cavalry,  with 


1680  TO  1692.  201 

seventy  Spaniards  and  a  company  of  friendly  Indians, 
to  march  in  advance  and  reconnoitre  the  country  to  the 
north,  while  the  main  army  remained  for  several  days 
at  Isleta  recruiting  its  strength  and  endeavoring  to 
collect  grain  and  food  from  the  surrounding  country.  It 
appeared  that  during  the  summer  there  had  been  a 
severe  drought,  which  had  destroyed  most  of  the  crops 
— especially  in  the  north — so  that  great  destitution  and 
suffering  prevailed.  This  had  caused  the  abandonment 
of  some  of  the  pueblos,  whose  inhabitants  had  left  their 
houses  in  search  of  food ;  and  was  also"  the  occasion  of 
conflicts  between  the  different  nations  and  towns,  each 
of  which  was  endeavoring  to  procure  a  supply  at  the 
expense  of  its  neighbor.  All  these  circumstances  con- 
duced to  make  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards  much 
easier  than  it  otherwise  would  have  been,  and  caused 
them  in  some  places  to  be  hailed  as  deliverers,  rather 
than  resisted  as  enemies. 

Mendoza  marched  rapidly  up  the  valley,  but  for  a 
long  distance  found  little  save  abandoned  pueblos,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  had  fled  at  his  approach.  This 
was  the  case  at  Sandia,  Alameda,  and  Puara ;  and  also 
at  San  Felipe  and  Santo  Domingo.  In  all  the  pueblos 
the  churches  and  religious  houses  had  been  destroyed, 
and  the  images  and  ornaments  broken  or  concealed ; 
while  estufas  had  been  constructed,  and  the  Spaniards 
found  many  articles  connected  with  the  restoration  of 
the  heathen  ceremonies  of  the  natives. 

Passing  Santo  Domingo,  Mendoza  marched  to  Cochiti, 
and  here  for  the  first  time  encountered  a  considerable 
number  of  Indians.  They  had  abandoned  the  pueblo 
apparently  very  hastily,  but  were  seen  in  large  force  on 
the  hills  around.  The  Spaniards  entered  the  town  in 
the  evening,  and  the  next  morning  marched  out  to  at- 
tack the  enemy.  The  Indians  also  descended  from  the 
hills  under  command  of  Catite,  sounding  their  war-cry, 
and  apparently  eager  for  the  conflict.  A  conference 


202  1680  TO  1692. 

however  was  arranged,  the  crafty  Pueblo  Chieftain  ex- 
pressing a  desire  for  peace;  and  finally  it  was  agreed 
that  the  Indians  should  be  pardoned  for  all  past  offenses, 
and  return  to  their  allegiance  both  to  the  Church  and 
the  King;  and  the  officers  embraced  each  other  as  a 
token  of  enduring  friendship.  That  night  however 
large  re-inforcements  were  received  by  the  natives,  and 
in  the  morning  their  army  again  advanced,  nearly  1,000 
strong,  arranged  in  a  semi-circle,  with  the  apparent  in- 
tent of  surrounding  and  capturing  the  Spaniards.  But 
again  negotiation  took  the  place  of  battle,  and  finally  a 
treaty  was  concluded  which  was  to  be  a  protection,  not 
only  to  the  Indians  there  present,  but  to  all  connected 
with  them  who  should  return  to  their  villages  and 
abandon  idolatry. 

The  army  under  Catite  embraced  representatives  of 
the  three  great  nations,  the  Teguas,  Tafios,  and  Queres, 
and  of  nearly  all  of  the  Pueblos,but  time  was  asked  by  that 
Chieftain  to  bring  together  the  Indians  of  Cochiti,  Santo 
Domingo,  and  San  Felipe,  many  of  whom  were  still  in 
the  mountains;  and  other  Caciques  desired  also  to  notify 
their  respective  pueblos  of  the  return  of  peace,  and  have 
them  more  fully  represented.  It  was  ai  ranged  there- 
fore that  at  the  end  of  two  days  there  should  be  a  great 
assemblage  at  which  the  Spanish  authority  should  be 
formally  recognized,  and  all  the  Indians  again  be  re- 
ceived into  the  bosom  of  the  Church.  The  native  army 
then  withdrew;  but  as  it  did  not  return  at  the  ap- 
pointed time,  Mendoza  began  to  suspect  some  treachery, 
and  soon  after  had  his  fears  verified  by  the  reports  of 
spies,  from  which  it  appeared  that  at  the  time  of  the 
conference  the  snow  had  wet  the  bow-strings  of  the  In- 
dians and  so  rendered  them  unserviceable,  and  that  the 
delay  asked  for  was  in  order  to  remedy  this  difficulty, 
and  also  to  concentrate  warriors  near  San  Felipe,  who 
might  destroy  the  Spaniards  on  their  downward  inarch. 
On  learning  these  facts  Mendoza  hastily  broke  camp 


1680  TO  1692.  203 

and  returned  to  the  main  army,  meeting  the  Governor 
near  the  Pueblo  of  Sandia.  At  this  point  Otermin  had 
remained  for  several  days,  while  a  formal  investigation 
was  being  made  of  the  facts  connected  with  the  rebell- 
ion of  the  year  before. 

Meanwhile  the  winter  had  commenced  in  earnest; 
snow  was  constantly  falling,  and  the  suffering  of  the 
soldiers  was  very  severe.  The  pasturage  in  the  vicinity 
was  exhausted,  and  the  store  of  provisions  was  alarm- 
ingly low.  The  Indians  were  constantly  increasing  in 
numbers  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  bands  from  the  more 
distant  pueblos,  and  a  detachment  on  horseback,  under 
Luis  of  Picuris,  was  scouring  the  country  south  of  the 
Spanish  camp.  Under  these  circumstances  a  council 
of  war  was  held,  at  which  each  military  officer,  and 
Father  Ayeta,  presented  their  views  in  writing;  and 
while  some  favored  an  advance,  and  some  an  entire 
abandonment  of  the  country,  the  compromise  was  de- 
cided upon  of  retiring  to  the  friendly  Pueblo  of  Isleta 
for  winter-quarters.  On  arriving  there,  however,  it  was 
found  that  the  troops  were  so  exhausted,  and  the  horses 
in  such  bad  condition  (less  than  one -seventh  of  the 
original  number  being  fit  for  service),  that  the  General 
determined  to  continue  the  march  down  the  river  to  El 
Paso,  in  order  to  prepare  fully  for  the  campaign  of  the 
next  year.  Since  they  had  left  Isleta,  six  weeks  before, 
over  100  of  its  inhabitants  had  deserted  the  town  to  join 
the  Indian  army ;  and  the  remainder,  consisting  of  385 
who  had  been  christianized,  begged  to  accompany  the 
army  to  Mexico,  as  they  feared  to  be  left  at  their  old 
home  without  protection.  This  request  was  granted; 
and  after  the  desertion  of  the  town  it  was  burned,  with 
all  the  stores  that  had  been  collected  there,  in  order  to 
prevent  their  being  of  service  to  the  enemy.  The  army 
left  Isleta  on  the  day  after  New-year's,  1682,  and  arrived 
at  El  Paso  after  a  laborious  march  of  nine  days ;  leaving 


204  1680  TO  1692. 

the  territory  for  the  second  time  to  the  sole  occupancy 
of  the  native  population. 

Otermin  had  expected  to  recruit  his  army  during  the 
spring  and  return  to  New  Mexico  before  many  months, 
but  in  this  he  was  disappointed ;  and  his  lack  of  suc- 
cess in  the  reduction  of  the  country  appears  to  have 
been  so  unsatisfactory  to  the  Viceroy  that  he  was  re- 
moved from  office  and  Don  Bartolome  de  Estrada  Ramirez 
appointed  in  his  place.  No  record  is  to  be  found  of  any 
attempt,  by  this  official,  to  take  actual  possession  of  his 
province,  and  probably  after  ascertaining  the  danger 
and  difficulties  of  the  position,  he  concluded  to  be  satis- 
fied with  the  titular  honor  of  the  Governorship ;  for  a 
year  afterwards,  in  1684,  Don  Domingo  Jironza  Petriz 
de  Cruzate  was  made  Governor  and  Captain-General. 
Cruzate  organized  an  expedition  in  the  succeeding 
year  to  penetrate  the  country,  and  started  from  Paso 
del  Norte,  where  the  remainder  of  the  old  inhabitants 
of  New  Mexico  were  still  living,  for  the  march  up  the 
Rio  Grande.  He  reached  the  Pueblo  of  Senecu  (now 
abandoned,  but  then  south  of  Socorro),  and  addressed 
the  people,  who  were  all  assembled  in  the  plaza,  on  their 
duties  to  God  and  the  King,  and  also  gave  them  some 
sanitary  advice,  as,  for  instance,  that  it  was  more 
healthful  to  sleep  in  the  second  story  of  the  buildings. 
Nothing,  however,  was  accomplished  towards  the  re- 
conquest  of  the  country  during  this  year  ;  and  although 
Cruzate  made  various  attempts  to  effect  that  object, 
and  in  1688  again  entered  the  territory,  with  a  consid- 
erable force,  and  no  less  than  seventy  Franciscan  Friars, 
and  on  one  expedition  certainly  marched  as  far  as  Zia, 
which  he  captured,  yet  he  was  always  unsuccessful,  and 
the  Indians  were  left  in  almost  undisturbed  possession 
of  the  land. 

Far  from  employing  this  period,  however,  to  consol- 
idate their  strength  or  prepare  to  resist  new  invasion, 


1680  TO  1692. 


205 


scarcely  were  the  Spaniards  expelled,  when  dissensions 
arose  between  the  various  nations,  and  a  state  of  war 
existed  in  one  or  another  part  of  New  Mexico  during 
almost  the  entire  period  of  the  Pueblo  control.  The 
consequent  interruptions  to  i?he  planting  of  corn,  and 
the  frequent  destruction  of  supplies  during  hostile  in- 
vasion, caused  much  destitution  and  suffering ;  and 
combined  with  the  destruction  of  towns  by  siege  or 
burning,  led  to  the  abandonment  of  a  considerable 
number  of  the  pueblos.  In  fact,  the  half  century  of 
Spanish  control  seems  to  have  unfitted  the  natives  for 
self-government,  and  the  nations  which  had  generally 
lived  so  prosperously  and  peacefully  as  neighbors,  down 
to  the  coming  of  Coronado,  now  seemed  determined  to 
effect  each  other's  destruction ;  and  thus  prepared  the 
way  for  an  easy  reconquest  by  the  Spaniards. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 


THE   RECONQUEST   BY   VARGAS. 

CRUZ  ATE  having  failed  to  take  possession  of  the 
province  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted,  the 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  in  the  spring  of  1692,  appointed 
Don  Diego  de  Vargas  Zapata  Lujan  as  Governor,  with 
the  avowed  desire  of  having  New  Mexico  reconquered 
as  speedily  as  possible.  Vargas  was  a  man  of  great  en- 
ergy and  decision  of  character,  and  lost  no  time  in  pre- 
paring for  the  work  before  him.  He  left  his  home  im- 
mediately for  Paso  del  Norte,  and  although  he  was 
greatly  disappointed  at  the  amount  of  force  which  he 
was  enabled  to  muster  for  the  campaign,  which  barely 
amounted  to  300  in  all,  including  100  friendly  Indians, 
yet  he  determined  to  undertake  the  work  without  more 
delay,  and  commenced  his  march  on  the  last  day  of 
August.  He  passed  rapidly  up  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  finding  nearly  all  the  old  pueblos  in  a  half- 
ruined  condition,  but  only  stopping  for  necessary  rest 
and  sleep,  as  he  decided  to  strike  his  blows  before  the 
enemy  was  prepared ;  and  in  less  than  a  fortnight  (Sep- 
tember 12th)  was  in  sight  of  Santa  Fe. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  been  watching  his  move- 
ments, not  knowing  what  point  was  first  to  be  attacked, 
but  as  soon  as  it  was  evident  that  it  was  the  capital,  be- 
gan concentrating  towards  Santa  Fe,  and  as  Vargas  ap- 
proached the  city,  he  saw  numerous  companies  from  the 
adjacent  pueblos  hastening  to  its  relief  Early  the  next 
morning  a  battle  commenced,  which  was  waged  with 
great  determination  for  eleven  hours,  when  at  length 
the  Pueblos  gave  way,  and  Vargas  entered  the  city. 
This  signal  success  had  an  important  effect,  for  judging, 


VARGAS.  207 

from  the  speed  with  which  the  capital  was  captured, 
that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  resistance,  twelve  ad- 
jacent pueblos  surrendered  and  were  immediately  oc- 
cupied. Vargas  however  well  understood  that  with  so 
small  a  force  it  would  be  impossible  to  hold  so  exten- 
sive a  country,  and  wrote  to  the  Viceroy  from  Santa  Fe 
in  the  very  height  of  his  success,  that  in  order  to  retain 
possession  of  the  country,  it  would  be  necessary  to  es- 
tablish permanent  garrisons  ;  "  and  to  send  less  than 
500  families  and  100  soldiers  would  be  like  throwing  a 
grain  of  salt  into  the  sea." 

The  Governor  however,  did  not  wait  for  any  re-in- 
forcements;  but  with  characteristic  energy,  started  al- 
most immediately  for  the  Pueblo  of  Taos,  which  was 
considered  the  most  determined  in  its  opposition  to 
Spanish  rule.  So  rapid  was  his  march  that  although 
a  considerable  halt  was  made  near  San  Juan,  in  order 
to  receive  with  proper  ceremony  the  warriors  of  that 
pueblo,  who  were  counted  as  allies,  the  army  reached 
the  Taos  Valley  on  the  third  day  (October  7th),  and 
speedily  surrounded  the  two  great  buildings.  Not  an 
Indian  appeared;  and  on  entering,  they  found  that  they 
were  entirely  deserted — the  inhabitants  having  retired 
to  a  gorge  in  the  adjacent  mountains.  Sending  Luis 
(an  influential,  friendly  Indian,  of  Picuris)  in  advance, 
Vargas  succeeded  in  arranging  a  conference,  and  after 
a  short  time  induced  the  Pueblos  to  return  to  their 
homes,  promising  loyalty  to  state  and  church ;  the  Gen- 
eral, on  his  part,  agreeing  to  overlook  the  past,  and  pro- 
viding them  with  a  priest,  who  absolved  the  whole  com- 
munity, and  then  proceeded  to  receive  into  the  church, 
by  baptism,  no  less  than  ninety-six  of  their  number. 
The  Governor  also  succeeded  in  adjusting  the  feud  ex- 
isting between  Taos  and  the  pueblos  to  the  south ;  and 
induced  a  number  of  the  best  of  the  young  men  to 
promise  to  join  his  standard  in  an  expedition  soon  to 
be  undertaken  against  the  Indians  of  Zuni.  All  this 


208  VARGAS. 

accomplished,  Vargas  returned  to  Santa  Fe  by  the  way 
of  Picuris,  and  arrived  on  the  13th;  having  been  absent 
from  the  capital  but  eight  days,. and  not  losing  a  single 
man. 

No  sooner  had  he  returned,  however,  than  with  won- 
derful energy  he  prepared  for  another  expedition,  which 
was  to  be  of  a  more  extensive  character.  As  he  expected 
to  be  absent  some  time,  he  appointed  Luis,  of  Picuris 
(whom  we  have  heard  of  several  times  before,  and  who 
appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  superior  ability),  as  Gov- 
ernor of  all  the  pueblos  under  Spanish  control ;  and  ad- 
ministered to  him  the  oath  of  office  upon  a  cross,  in 
presence  of  the  chief  men  of  the  different  towns  In- 
tending to  make  his  first  visit  to  Pecos,  and  then  pro- 
ceed westward,  he  dispatched  part  of  his  troops,  with 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  to  Santo  Domingo,  to  await  him 
there;  and  then,  after  remaining  only  three  days  in  the 
capital,  set  out  early  on  the  morning  of  October  17th, 
and  reached  Pecos  by  2  o'clock.  Here  the  people  were 
prepared  to  receive  him  very  favorably ;  and  had  erected 
a  large  cross  and  arches  at  the  entrance  of  their  town 
by  way  of  greeting.  They  were  absolved  by  the  two 
priests  (Fathers  Corven  and  Barras)  who  accompanied 
the  army,  and  248  were  baptized.  The  next  morning 
Vargas,  at  the  request  of  the  people,  appointed  officers 
for  the  pueblo,  and  then  left  for  the  west;  arriving  at 
night  at  trie  ruined  Pueblo  of  Galisf  eo,  which  had  been 
entirely  abandoned.  Three  leagues  farther  on,  the  next 
day,  they  passed  San  Marcos,  once  a  populous  town,  but 
now  deserted;  and  toward  evening  came  to  Santo  Do- 
mingo, where  they  found  the  other  detachment.  Here 
the  Governor  held  a  council  with  the  caciques  of  a  num- 
ber of  the  neighboring  pueblos;  who  were  then  pre- 
sented with  crosses,  rosaries,  and  other  gifts,  and  sent 
to  their  respective  villages,  with  instructions  to  prepare 
to  receive  the  army.  On  the  2 1  st  he  marched  from  Santo 
Domingo  to  Cochiti,  where  he  met  the  inhabitants  of 


VARGAS.  209 

that  town,  together  with  those  of  San  Marcos  and  San 
Felipe,  who  had  deserted  their  pueblos  for  fear  of  the 
other  Indians,  who  had  combined  against  them.  They 
were  assured  of  protection,  and  promised  to  return  to 
their  homes. 

From  here,  with  a  detachment  of  troops,  Vargas  pro- 
ceeded to  Zia,  where  he  found  the  old  pueblo  in  the 
ruinous  condition  in  which  it  had  been  left  after  its 
capture  by  Cruzate,  the  people  having  built  a  new  town 
near  by.  Crosses  and  arches  had  been  prepared,  as  at 
Pecos,  and  the  people  received  him  with  acclamations. 
The  Governor  recommended  that  they  should  re-occupy 
the  old  pueblo,  and  gave  them  some  steel  axes  to  assist 
in  the  work;  and  then,  after  witnessing  a  grand  dance, 
rode  on  to  Jemez.  Here,  as  at  Zia,  the  old  pueblo  had 
been  abandoned,  and  a  new  one  established  on  an  ele- 
vation three  leagues  beyond,  where  the  position  was 
almost  impregnable,  and  had  been  rendered  still 
stronger  by  the  erection  of  thick  walls  and  redoubts, 
the  town  being  built  around  two  plazas,  each  of  which 
had  only  one  narrow'  entrance.  Although  about  600 
warriors  were  in  arms,  and  Vargas  was  in  continual 
dread  of  an  attack,  no  opposition  was  made  to  his  ap- 
proach, and  he  was  treated  with  great  hospitality  by 
the  chiefs.  In  each  village  the  same  ceremonies  of  ab- 
solution were  performed,  followed  by  the  baptism  of 
large  numbers  of  Indians.  From  Jemez  the  Governor 
marched  to  Santa  Ana,  and  as  this  completed  the  pacifi- 
cation of  all  the  country  in  the  Rio  Grande  Valley,  he 
sent  a  detachment  of  troops,  with  a  number  of  citizens, 
to  El  Paso  to  bring  back  into  the  territory  the  families 
of  the  old  residents  which  had  so  long  been  awaiting  at 
that  point  the  time  when  they  could  safely  return. 

So  rapid  had  been  the  movements  of  Vargas  that 
much  of  the  fall  still  remained  for  active  operations,  and 
he  determined  to  visit  the  whole  province  if  possible, 
before  the  end  of  the  season.  He  set  out  therefore  from 


210  VARGAS. 

Santa  Ana  on  the  30th  of  October,  with  eighty-nine 
soldiers  and  thirty  Indian  scouts,  and  marched  first  to 
Isleta,  which  he  found  in  ruins,  with  the  exception  of 
the  church,  and  on  the  3d  of  November  reached  Acoma. 
Here  considerable  time  was  occupied  in  sending  mes- 
sages and  holding  councils,  the  inhabitants  having  been 
warned  by  their  friends,  the  Navajoes,  not  to  put  any 
trust  in  the  professions  and  promises  of  Vargas;  and  the 
Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  being  unable,  if  they  so 
desired,  to  assault  the  town,  on  account  of  the  great 
strength  of  its  position.  At  length,  however,  the  Gov- 
ernor succeeded  in  gaining  the  confidence  of  the  natives. 
Vargas  and  the  Pueblo  chief,  Mateo,  publicly  embraced 
each  other,  and  a  large  cross  was  erected,  and  the  usual 
absolution  and  general  baptism  took  place. 

From  here  the  Spaniards  started  on  their  arduous 
inarch  across  the  desert  to  Zufii,  sending  in  advance  a 
messenger  bearing  a  cross  and  a  rosary,  to  explain  their 
peaceful  intentions ;  and  when  near  their  journey's  end, 
were  met  by  twelve  envoys,  who  brought  messages  of 
good-will  and  welcome  from  the  chiefs  of  the  pueblo. 
Vargas  found  the  ascent  of  the  mesa,  on  which  the  town 
was  situated,  so  sharp  that  it  could  only  be  made  on 
foot;  but  he  was  rewarded  on  reaching  the  summit  by 
seeing  the  inhabitants  assembled  in  the  plaza  to  receive 
him  with  honor,  and  by  no  less  than  294  presenting 
themselves  for  baptism.  The  Governor  and  priests  were 
entertained  by  the  chiefs  of  the  pueblo  in  the  most 
cordial  manner,  and  were  in  every  way  gratified  at  their 
reception  by  this  intelligent  and  powerful  nation. 

Vargas  was  desirous  of  extending  his  expedition  still 
farther  west,  to  the  Moqui  country,  and  even  beyond, 
where  mines  of  cinnabar  and  red  ochre  were  said  to 
exist.  He  learned,  however,  that  the  Moqui  chiefs  were 
suspicious  of  his  intentions,  and  had  little  confidence  in 
the  friendly  letter  he  had  dispatched  to  them  from 
Jemez ;  having  been  rendered  distrustful  by  the  reports 


VARGAS.  211 

of  the  same  Navajoes  who  had  similarly  affected  the 
people  of  Acoma.  He  therefore  wrote  a  second  letter, 
in  which  he  stated  that  he  had  already  pardoned  them 
for  their  action  in  the  rebellion,  and  asked  them  to  meet 
him  in  a  friendly  spirit  at  their  villages.  Having 
allowed  a  little  time  for  this  message  to  have  an  effect, 
he  started  from  Zufii  with  sixty-three  soldiers  and  two 
priests,  on  November  15.  The  first  of  the  pueblos 
reached  was  Aguatubi,  five  days  distant,  where  the 
Spaniards  were  at  first  met  with  apparent  hostility; 
700  or  800  Indians,  well  armed,  surrounding  the  little 
band,  and  singing  their  war-songs.  The  tact  of  Vargas, 
however,  extricated  him  from  this  difficulty,  as  it  had 
from  many  previous  dangers,  and  the  chief  named 
Miguel  directed  his  people  to  lay  aside  their  weapons 
and  receive  the  Spaniards  as  brothers.  It  afterward 
appeared  that  when  the  letter  of  Vargas  from  Zufii  was 
received  at  this  pueblo,  word  was  sent  to  the  other 
towns  of  the  Moqtiis,  Gualpi,  Jongopabi,  Monsonabi, 
and  Oraybi,  and  a  great  council  of  the  natives  was  held, 
at  which  a  chief  of  Gualpi,  named  Antonio,  was  the 
leading  spirit,  and  where  it  was  determined  to  resist  the 
Spanish  invasion  by  every  available  means.  Miguel 
claimed  to  have  opposed  this  course  of  action,  and 
urged  that  a  friendly  reception  be  accorded  to  Vargas, 
who  had  come  a  long  distance  on  a  mission  of  peace. 
The  hostility  at  first  manifested  was  attributable  to  the 
decision  of  that  council,  but  afterward  the  more  pacific 
policy  of  Miguel  and  his  friends  prevailed.  Had  the 
attitude  of  the  Indians  not  been  changed,  it  would 
certainly  have  been  impossible  for  the  Spaniards  to  have 
entered  the  town,  as  the  passage  was  only  sufficiently 
wide  for  one  man  to  pass  at  a  time,  and  it  was  well  de- 
fended by  fortifications.  Even  as  it  was,  Vargas  was 
continually  fearful  of  treachery,  and  declined  to  enter 
the  houses  to  eat,  or  even  to  encamp  at  night  in  the 
plaza;  but  nothing  occurred  to  justify  his  apprehensions. 


212  VARGAS. 

The  people  erected  the  usual  cross  in  the  center  of  the 
plaza,  122  were  baptized,  and  Vargas  acted  as  sponsor 
for  two  children  of  Miguel,  whom  he  confirmed  in  his 
authority  as  Governor  of  the  pueblo. 

Leaving  fifteen  men  in  charge  of  the  animals,  the  Gov- 
ernor with  forty-five  soldiers  pressed  on  to  Gualpi,  the 
next  town  of  the  Moqui  nation,  where  he  was  well  re- 
ceived and  entertained  by  the  same  Antonio  whose  feel- 
ings had  been  so  hostile  a  few  days  before.     Here  and 
at  Monsonabi  and  Jongopabi — in  the  former  of  which 
Pedro,  the  messenger  who  had  been  sent  from  Jemez, 
was  found  in  the  midst  of  the  people  in  the  plaza,  hold- 
ing aloft  a  large  cross— Vargas  made  the  usual  address 
explanatory  of  his  peaceful  intentions  toward  all  who 
respect  the  authority  of  the  King  and  the  Church,  and 
the  people  were  absolved  and  baptized;    nothing  un- 
usual occurring  to  vary  the  ceremonies.     The  horses  of 
the   Spaniards   were    now    nearly   broken  down   from 
fatigue,  and  it  appearing  that   the  mines  were  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Colorado  River,  whose  deep  canon  was 
almost  impassable,  Vargas  determined  to  return  to  Zuni, 
having    also   to    abandon    his    contemplated   visit   to 
Oraybe  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  water  on  the  road. 
At  Zuni  he  heard  of  a  short  route  by  which  he  could 
reach  the  Rio  Grande  near  Socorro,  and  having  deter- 
mined for  some  reason  which  is  unexplained — and  cer- 
tainly seems  singular  after  his  wonderfully  successful 
and  rapid  pacification  of  the  whole  province — to  march 
to  El  Paso  instead  of  returning  to  Santa  Fe,  he  availed 
himself  of  this  information,  and  after  travelling  through 
a  country  covered  with  broken  lava   (malpais)  and  in- 
fested   with    wandering    bands    of    Apaches,    reached 
Socorro  on  the   9th  of  December.     Soon  after  leaving 
Zuni  he  passed  by  the  Moro,  now   known  as  the   "  In- 
scription  Rock,"  and  there  left  a  memorial,  which  is 
reproduced  in  Simpson's  Report,  plate  seventy-one,  and 
reads  as  follows :  "  Here  served   General  Don  Diego  de 


VARGAS.  213 

tr 

Vargas  in  the  conquest  of  Santa  Fe  and  New  Mexico, 
for  the  royal  crown,  at  his  own  cost,  1692."  From 
Socorro  to  El  Paso  the  little  army  marched  in  a  very 
leisurely  way  as  compared  with  their  previous  rapid 
movements,  arriving  at  the  latter  place  on  December 
20th,  somewhat  less  than  four  months  from  the  time  of 
leaving  it.  During  the  progress  of  this  expedition 
nearly  every  pueblo  of  importance  had  been  visited; 
from  Pecos  in  the  extreme  east  to  Moqui  in  the  west, 
2,214  natives  had  been  baptized,  and  no  less  than  seventy- 
four  Spanish  women  and  children,  who  had  been  cap- 
tives since  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  were  re- 
leased. 

The  probable  object  of  Vargas  in  proceeding  to  El 
Paso  was  to  arrange  for  the  immigration  into  New 
Mexico  of  a  sufficient  number  of  families  to  colonize  it 
permanently,  in  accordance  with  the  report  which  he 
made  to  the  Viceroy  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Santa  Fe. 
At  all  events,  he  proceeded  to  devote  himself  to  the 
work  of  collecting  a  large  number  of  families  for  that 
purpose ;  the  refugees  from  New  Mexico,  who  had  not 
yet  set  out  on  the  return  to  their  old  home,  being  used 
as  a  nucleus.  Much  more  time  was  thus  occupied  than 
had  at  first  been  expected,  so  that  it  was  not  until  the 
llth  of  October,  1693,  that  the  company  was  ready  to 
commence  its  march.  The  whole  number,  including 
both  colonists  and  escort,  reached  1,500  persons,  and 
they  carried  with  them  over  3,000  horses  and  mules. 
Each  family  had  been  supplied  with  a  certain  amount 
of  money,  generally  from  $10  to  $40,  to  purchase  sup- 
plies ;  over  $42,000  having  been  furnished  to  Vargas  by 
the  vice-regal  authorities  for  that  purpose.  Don  Juan 
Paes  Hurtado,  who  was  afterwards  Governor  of  New 
Mexico  at  various  times  between  1704  and  1735,  was 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  immigration.  This 
unwieldy  company,  consisting  largely  of  women  and 
children,  slowly  proceeded  up  the  valley,  suffering  much 


214  VARGAS. 

from  lack  of  sufficient  supplies,  and  from  the  scarcity  of 
water  in  certain  parts  of  their  route.  It  is  said  that  at 
least  thirty  persons  perished  from  these  causes,  and  from 
exposure  to  the  cold,  to  which  they  were  unaccustomed. 
Vargas  had  hoped  to  find  the  Puehlo  Indians  in  the 
same  pacific  and  hospitable  frame  of  mind  in  which  he 
had  left  them,  but  such  was  far  from  the  case.  No 
sooner  had  the  Spaniards  left  the  country  the  year  be- 
fore than  the  Governor's  interpreter,  Pedro  de  Tapia, 
began  circulating  a  report  that  the  moderation  of  Vargas 
was  all  assumed,  and  that  he  intended  to  return  some 
day  and  order  the  .execution  of  all  the  leading  men  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  revolution.  This  idea  spread 
rapidly,  and  soon  to  a  great  extent  undid  the  good  re- 
sults of  the  Governor's  conciliatory  policy.  When  the 
natives  heard  that  he  was  again  approaching,  they 
feared  that  it  was  with  a  view  to  carry  into  effect  the 
threatened  punishment,  and  a  great  council  was  held  at 
Santa  Fe,  at  which  the  majority  determined  to  resist 
his  advance,  and  began  making  preparations  to  arm  all 
of  the  natives  for  that  purpose.  Vargas  learned  of  this 
condition  of  affairs  from  scouts  whom  he  had  sent  out 
in  advance,  and  in  consequence  marched  with  great  cau- 
tion. It  turned  out,  however,  that  in  many  of  the 
pueblos  there  was  a  division  of  opinion  on  the  subject, 
which  prevented  the  prompt  action  that  might  have 
been  fatal  to  the  Spaniards,  and  greatly  facilitated  their 
march.  The  pueblos  of  Santa  Ana,  Zia,  and  Cochiti 
gave  evidence  of  a  friendly  disposition  and  on  the  1st 
of  December,  at  Santo  Domingo,  Vargas  met  the  Gov- 
ernors of  Tesuque,  San  Lazaro,  and  San  Yldefonso,  to- 
gether with  Don  Luis,  whom  he  had  appointed  to  the 
chief  government  the  year  before,  and  contradicted  the  re- 
port of  the  interpreter  in  such  a  convincing  manner  as 
to  renew  their  confidence,  and  Luis  went  on  a  mission  to 
Santa  Fe  to  procure  provisions  and  endeavor  to  induce 
the  inhabitants  to  allow  the  Spaniards  to  enter.  On 


VARGAS.  215 

the  evening  of  the  llth,  Vargas,  who  had  encamped  at 
the  Ranch  of  Roque  Madrid,  five  miles  south-west  of  the 
town,  was  met  by  a  deputation  including  the  Governors 
of  Santa  Fe  and  Tesuque,  who  expressed  the  best  of  feel- 
ing, and  in  token  of  friendship  brought  a  quantity  of 
tortillas.  They  said  that  the  story  of  the  Interpreter 
had  done  much  harm,  but  that  the  older  men  and 
women  had  never  believed  it. 

On  the  16th  the  Spanish  army  marched  into  Santa 
Fe,  bearing  the  same  banner  which  had  been  carried  by 
Onate  when  he  entered  the  city  just  a  century  before. 
The  occasion  was  one  of  much  pomp  and  ceremony.  The 
inhabitants  were  assembled  in  the  plaza,  the  men  on 
one  side  and  the  women  on  the  other ;  the  soldiers 
opened  ranks  to  allow  the  priests  to  pass  through,  the 
latter,  in  gorgeous  vestments,  saying  the  Te  Deum  and 
chanting  the  Litany ;  and  the  Governor  then  delivered 
an  address.  When  all  was  concluded  the  troops  and 
immigrants  were  marched  to  the  hill  immediately  north 
of  the  city,  where  a  camp  was  prepared,  and  where  they 
remained  until  Christmas  day ;  the  Tanos  Indians  being 
left  in  possession  of  th^  Palace,  and  the  other  natives,  of 
the  houses  in  the  town.  The  weather  meanwhile  became 
very  cold ;  men  sent  out  for  timber  to  repair  the  church 
of  San  Miguel  were  unable  to  work  on  account  of  the 
severity  of  the  season,  and  the  priests  and  the  council 
asked  permission  to  occupy  houses  in  the  city,  instead  of 
remaining  in  the  camp.  Vargas  therefore  directed  the 
Tanos  Indians  to  vacate  the  Palace  and  return  to  their 
pueblos  on  the  Galisteo ;  but  this  created  a  great  com- 
motion, and  on  the  24th  of  December,  at  a  council  held  by 
them,  it  was  determined  not  to  allow  the  Spaniards  to 
enter  the  city.  When  Vargas  heard  of  this,  he  prepared 
to  make  an  assault,  but  waited  for  one  day,  in  hopes  that 
better  counsels  would  prevail  among  the  Pueblos.  On 
the  26th,  however,  a  fierce  battle  was  waged  during 
the  whole  day.  The  defenses  were  strong  and  the  place 


216  VARGAS. 

could  only  be  taken  by  scaling  the  walls.  The  Indians 
fought  vigorously  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  used  boil- 
ing water  to  prevent  an  attack  close  to  the  walls.  In  the 
afternoon  re-inforcements  from  other  pueblos  appeared, 
and  only  after  successive  cavalry  charges  were  driven 
back.  At  night  both  sides,  exhausted,  were  glad  to 
have  the  conflict  cease.  But  the  Indians  had  suf- 
fered heavily ;  ninety  of  their  number  were  killed,  and 
they  were  discouraged  at  the  retreat  of  their  allies.  The 
next  morning,  therefore,  no  opposition  was  made  to  the 
entry  of  the  Spaniards,  and  formal  possession  of  the 
city  was  taken  by  the  Governor.  Four  hundred  women 
and  children  who  were  captured,  were  divided  among  the 
Spanish  families  in  practical  slavery.  Seventy  warriors 
were  executed,  and  their  property,  consisting  principally 
of  corn  and  beans,  confiscated. 

While  the  capture  of  the  capital  was  a  great  blow  to 
the  hostile  Pueblos,  yet  they  did  not  yet  despair  of  suc- 
cess. They  camped  on  the  surrounding  hills,  and  at- 
tacked any  parties  who  dared  to  go  beyond  the  walls. 
The  Spaniards  were  practically  kept  in  a  state  of  siege, 
ana  what  added  to  their  difficulties  as  spring  advanced, 
was  the  scarcity  of  provisions.  This  annoying  and 
dangerous  condition  of  things  continued  until  Vargas 
determined  to  take  the  field  and  punish  the  Indians  for 
their  hostility.  Starting  therefore  from  Santa  Fe  in 
the  beginning  of  March  (1694),  he  marched  directly  to 
San  Yldefonso,  the  high  mesa  north  of  which  was  the 
rendezvous  of  the  northern  Pueblos  during  periods  of 
war.  A  terrible  snow-storm  forced  him  to  seek  shelter 
in  the  houses  of  the  pueblo ;  but  after  three  days  he 
made  an  attack  on  the  stronghold,  when  however  the 
steepness  of  the  ascent  gave  the  defenders  such  an  ad- 
vantage that  the  Spaniards  had  to  retire.  A  few  days 
afterwards  he  made  a  second  attack,  from  both  sides  of 
the  mesa  at  once,  but  was  again  unsuccessful;  and  then 
in  turn  the  Indians  attacked  his  force  in  the  night-time, 


VARGAS.  217 

at  the  pueblo,  but  the  positions  now  being  reversed,  they 
were  compelled  to  retire.  In  all  three  conflicts  the  In- 
dian loss  far  exceeded  that  of  the  Spaniards,  but  the 
position  on  the  mesa  being  practically  impregnable 
while  defended  by  such  large  numbers  as  now  occupied 
it,  Vargas  finally  concluded,  on  March  19th,  to  withdraw 
to  Santa  Fe,  having  been  successful  in  one  great  object 
of  his  expedition,  that  of  obtaining  cattle  and  pro- 
visions. 

He  had  scarcely  reached  the  capital,  when  a  deputa- 
tion arrived  from  the  friendly  pueblos  of  Zia  and  Santa 
Ana,  asking  for  assistance,  as  they  were  threatened  with 
attack.  Vargas  persuaded  them  that  the  best  assurance 
of  safety  was  to  defeat  their  enemies  in  the  field,  and 
was  consequently  joined  by  a  considerable  body  of  allies, 
with  whom  he  again  marched  his  little  army  to  San 
Yldefonso,  and  this  time,  after  an  obstinate  fight,  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  the  heights,  dispersing  the  Indians? 
and  taking  possession  of  the  camp,  with  over  300  prison- 
ers, mostly  women  and  children,  and  900  sheep,  besides 
horses  and  mules.  The  sheep  were  turned  over  to  the 
Indian  allies,  thirteen  warriors  who  were  taken  were 
shot,  and  Vargas  refused  to  give  up  the  women  ahd 
children  until  the  leader  of  the  natives,  named  Zepe, 
and  his  principal  officers,  were  surrendered  to  him. 
Various  skirmishes  ensued,  in  which  about  half  of  the 
prisoners  escaped,  and  then  Vargas  was  obliged  to  hasten 
back  to  Santa  Fe  by  news  of  an  attack  on  that  town, 
leaving  Captain  Roque  Madrid  in  command  of  a  de- 
tachment left  at  San  Yldefonso. 

Planting-time  had  now  come,  and  both  Indians  and 
Spaniards  ceased  hostilities  for  a  space  to  attend  to  agri- 
culture, the  lands  around  Santa  Fe*  being  apportioned 
among  the  soldiers  for  this  purpose.  Early  in  April  the 
Governor  visited  Cochit  to  endeavor  to£  arrange  that 
the  people  of  the  adjacent  pueblos,  at  Santo  Domingo, 
San  Felipe,  etc.,  should  re-inhabit  their  old  villages  and 


218  VARGAS. 

plant  their  land,   in  which  he  was  fairly  successful, 
although  his  escort  suffered  somewhat  from  a  night  at- 
tack unexpectedly  made  on  them  while  there.     Nor  did 
the  Indians  at  all  give  up  hopes  of  repossessing  the 
capital,  but  made  assaults  on  it  from  time  to  time,  es- 
pecially when  the  Governor  Was  away  and  the  garrison 
weakened ;  two  of  these  attacks  being  on  April  19th  and 
May  25th,  respectively.     They  also  returned  to  their 
stronghold  at  the  mesa  of  San  Yldefonso,  and  successive 
attempts  of  Vargas  to  dislodge  them  in  May  were  un- 
successful.     In  the  middle  of  June  he  again  marched 
from  Santa  Fe  to  the  mesa,  but  finding  that  the  enemy's 
force  was  largely  made  up  of  Taos  and  Picuris  Indians, 
he   concluded   to   proceed  directly  to  those  pueblos  in 
order  to  inflict  chastisement.     Both  towns  were  found 
deserted,  the  inhabitants  having  fled  to  the  mountains. 
Vargas   commanded   the   people   of  Taos  to  return  to 
their  homes  within  a  certain  limited  period,  and  ne- 
gotiations proceeded  for  some  time  between  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Pecos,  acting  for  the  Spaniards,  and  Pacheco,  the 
Governor  of  Taos ;  but  the  Indians  failing  to  return,  the 
pueblo  was  given  up  to  pillage  by  the  soldiers  on  July 
5th,  and  a  considerable  amount  of  corn  secured.     As  a 
large  body  of  the  enemy  had  collected  in  the  mountains 
to  attack  him  on  his  march  back  to   Santa  Fe,  Vargas 
returned  through  the  country  of  the  Utes,  who  were 
friendly   with   the   Spaniards.     The   route  led  him  to 
cross  the  Rio  Grande  near  the  Colorado,  north  of  Taos, 
and  then  march  to  the  Ojo  Oaliente  River,  and  down  that 
stream  and  the  Chama  to  the  junction  of  the  latter  with 
the  Rio  Grande.     At  San  Yldefonso  he  found  so  many 
Indians  that  he  did  not  attack  the  mesa,  but  proceeded 
direct  to  Santa  Fe,  arriving  on  July  14th,  after  having 
marched  120  leagues  in  seventeen  days. 

The  river  having  fallen  now,  so  as  to  make  its  cross- 
ing easy,  the  Governor  without  any  delay  started  on  an- 
other expedition  to  the  west,  to  punish  the  Indians 


VARGAS.  219 

of  Jemez  for  their  attacks  on  the  pueblos  of  Santa  Ana 
and  Zia,  and  to  obtain  corn  for  the  people  of  Santa  Fe. 
After  crossing  the  Rio  Grande,  Vargas  was  joined  by  a 
large  number  of  Indian  allies,  and  with  them  marched 
rapidly  to  Jemez,  where  the  old  pueblo  was  found  aban- 
doned, the  people  having  moved  to  the  top  of  an  adja- 
cent hill,  where  they  were  building  a  new  town.  Here 
a  fierce  battle  took  place,  the  Spaniards  with  their  allies 
assaulting  the  place,  and  the  Jemez  Indians  defending 
it  with  great  obstinacy.  At  length  however  they  were 
overcome,  nearly  100  being  killed,  and  370  women 
and  children  captured.  While  here  the  Governor  had  a 
special  search  made  for  the  burial-place  of  the  priest, 
Juan  de  Jesus,  who  had  been  killed,  as  previously  re- 
lated, at  the  opening  of  the  rebellion  ;  and  after  some 
difficulty  his  remains  were  found  and  conveyed  to  Santa 
Fe,  where  they  were  re-interred  in  the  parish  church 
with  much  ceremony  on  the  llth  of  August,  exactly 
fourteen  years  after  his  martyrdom  at  Jemez.  Soon 
after  this,  peace  was  made  with  the  remaining  Indians 
of  Jemez,  the  prisoners  restored,  and  the  pueblo  rebuilt. 
This  may  be  considered  as  the  end  of  the  general  and 
organized  opposition  to  Spanish  rule  by  the  Pueblos, 
included  in  the  period  of  the  great  rebellion,  although 
some  individual  towns  were  not  entirely  reduced  to  sub- 
mission until  a  short  time  later. 

In  1696  a  severe  famine  afflicted  the  territory,  and 
especially  the  Spanish  towns,  being  caused,  as  was 
alleged,  by  the  cupidity  of  Governor  Vargas,  who  re- 
tained for  his  own  use  a  large  proportion  of  the  corn 
sent  from  Mexico  for  the  support  of  the  colonists  ;  and 
the  Indians  of  fourteen  Pueblos  took  advantage  of  the 
occasion  again  to  rise  and  endeavor  to  expel  their  rulers. 
A  desolating  war  ensued,  which  resulted  in  the  destruc- 
tion or  abandonment  of  many  of  the  pueblos,  and  the 
death  of  at  least  2,000  Indians,  mostly  from  sickness 
and  exposure.  Others  left  their  old  homes  and  joined 


220 


VARGAS. 


the  wandering  tribes  of  the  plains,  rather  than  submi 
to  Spanish  civil  and  ecclesiastical  rule  ;  so  that  the  re- 
sult was  a  great  diminution  in  the  pueblo  population 
and  the  number  of  their  villages.  The  Spaniards, 
meanwhile,  constantly  increased  in  population,  and  the 
working  in  the  mines,  which  had  been  so  prolific  a  cause 
of  suffering  and  discontent,  not  being  renewed,  the  in- 
centive as  well  as  the  provocation  to  rebellion,  to  a  large 
extent,  ceased ;  and  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century 
saw  the  country  entirely  at  rest. 


CHAPTEE    XV. 


THE    EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY. 

eighteenth  century  was  for  New  Mexico  a  season 
of  comparative  quiet.  The  Pueblo  Indians,  demor- 
alized by  divisions,  and  tired  of  revolts  which  never 
proved  permanently  successful,  made  no  trouble  during 
the  entire  period.  With  the  wild  tribes,  however, 
there  were  almost  continual  hostilities.  They  made 
annual  forays  upon  the  more  exposed  settlements, 
carrying  off  the  corn  and  vegetables,  which  were  the 
results  of  a  year  of  labor;  or  the  cattle  and  sheep, 
which  formed  the  -principal  property  of  the  people. 
They  frequently  attacked  the  smaller  villages  —  and 
sometimes,  when  in  force,  the  larger  ones;  and  many 
of  the  towns  to-day  contain  the  ruins  of  the  forts  and 
torreons  built  for  defense  at  such  times. 

Through  this  century  the  Comanches  were  the  most 
troublesome  of  these  tribes ;  an  almost  constant  warfare 
continuing  between  them  and  the  Spaniards.  While  it 
consisted  mainly  of  sudden  incursions  and  unexpected 
attacks,  after  the  manner  of  most  Indian  warfare,  yet  at 
times  there  were  important  battles  between  the  Spanish 
troops  and  New  Mexican  volunteers  on  the  one  side  and 
the  united  bands  of  Indians  on  the  other.  Such  were 
the  action  at  Green  Horn,  near  the  middle  of  the  cent- 
ury, and  that  of  El  Rito  Don  Carlos  in  1783.  The 
most  important  and  decisive  of  these  battles  was  that 
fought  at  a  place  called  Rabbit  Ear  two  years  later.  The 
Comanches  had  just  swept  through  part  of  the  valley  in 
the  Rio  Abajo,  and  made  an  attack  on  the  town  of  Tome, 
one  of  the  most  important  in  Valencia  County,  from 
which  they  had  carried  off  a  number  of  animals  and  a 


222  EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY. 

quantity  of  goods,  and  made  prisoners  of  two  sisters  of 
the  Pino  family,  besides  killing  a  number  of  citizens. 
Great  indignation  and  excitement  prevailed;  and  the 
territorial  troops  and  volunteers  quickly  gathered  to  the 
number  of  250,  and  under  Lieutenant  Guerrero,  started 
in  pursuit  of  the  Indians.  The  latter  were  found  hav- 
ing a  grand  council,  accompanied  by  a  war-dance  around 
the  scalps  which  they  had  taken  as  trophies  of  their 
success.  They  were  immediately  attacked,  and  a  des- 
perate battle  ensued  for  the  space  of  three  hours;  when 
the  Indians  were  forced  to  retreat,  losing  a  large  num- 
ber in  killed  and  wounded,  and  all  their  booty  and  ani- 
mals, including  their  own  horses.  The  prisoners  were 
rescued  amid  the  rejoicing  of  their  old  friends  and  neigh- 
bors. The  Comanches,  however,  rallied  after  a  short  time, 
and  in  turn  attacked  the  Mexicans,  recovering  most  of 
their  horses,  and  forcing  the  troops  to^retreat.  They  lost 
so  many  men,  however,  in  these  two  battles,  that  they 
soon  after  agreed  to  a  peace,  and  were  not  troublesome 
for  a  considerable  time  thereafter. 

During  this  century  a  long  succession  of  Governors 
ruled  in  New  Mexico,  usually  with  the  title  of  Governor 
and  Captain-General ;  with  sometimes  special  additions. 
There  is  in  most  cases  no  record  of  the  time  of  appoint- 
ment, so  that  the  dates  of  their  official  terms  have  had 
to  be  obtained  from  various  documents  executed  by 
their  authority  and  found  among  the  archives  at  Santa 
Fe".  In  1862  a  list  was  prepared  for  the  report  of  the 
Surveyor-General,  John  A.  Clark,  by  the  veteran  Chief 
Clerk,  David  J.  Miller,  and  from  that  and  some  other 
information  of  more  recent  date  the  succession  can  now 
be  presented  with  substantial  accuracy.  Going  back  for 
a  moment  to  the  time  of  Vargas,  we  find  that  in  1695 
charges  were  presented  against  him  by  the  civil  authori- 
ties of  Santa  Fe,  and  the  regiment  stationed  there,  for 
peculation  in  using  government  funds  and  property 
for  his  own  purposes. 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY.  223 

GASPAR  DE  SANDOVAL  ZERDASILVA  Y  MENDOZA. — This 
cavalier  was  probably  appointed  Governor  pending  the 
investigation,  as  he  appears  as  such  in  1695  and  again 
in  1722.  In  1697  Vargas  was  formally  removed  from 
office,  and  was  succeeded  by — 

PEDRO  RODRIGUEZ  CUBERO. — His  rule  continued  until 
1703,  when  Vargas  was  restored  to  power  as  Military 
Commandant  of  the  Province,  from  which  it  would  ap- 
pear that  he  must  have  been  acquitted  of  the  charges 
against  him. 

THE  DUKE  OF  ALBUQUERQUE  appears  to  have  governed 
at  certain  times  between  1703  and  1710.  The  town  of 
Albuquerque  is  named  after  him. 

JUAN  PAEZ  HURTADO  was  Lieutenant-Governor  in 
1704;  commissioned  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Penuela,  the 
Viceroy,  as  Governor  and  Captain-General  in  1712 ;  and 
as  Inspector-General  in  1716.  He  was  again  Lieutenant- 
Governor  in  1735,  and  in  1736  went  on  an  expedition 
to  the  western  country,  as  the  following  sentence  on  In- 
scription Rock  near  Zuni  proves  :  "  On  the  14th  day  of 
July,  of  the  year  1736,  Gen.  Juan  Paez  Hurtado,  Inspector, 
passed  by  this  place,  and  in  his  company  Corporal  Joseph 
Armenta,  Antonio  Sandoval  Martinez,  Alonzo  Barela, 
Marcos  Duran,  Francisco  Barela,  Luis  Pacheco,  Antonio 
de  Salas,  Roque  Gomas.  " 

FRANCISCO  CUERBO  Y  VALDEZ,  Governor  ad  interim  in 
1705,  1706,  and  1707.— He  was  "  Knight  of  the  Order  of 
Santiago,  official  judge,  royal  treasurer,  factor  of  the 
royal  domain,  treasurer  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  etc." 

JOSE  CHACON  MEDINA  SALAZAR  Y  VILLASENOR,  Marquis 
of  Penuela,  Governor  from  1708  to  1712.— It  was  under 
his  administration  that  the  rebuilding  of  the  church  of 
San  Miguel  in  Santa  Fe,  which  had  been  destroyed  in 
the  Pueblo  rebellion,  was  completed ;  as  appears  from 
the  carved  viga,  on  which  the  inscription  is  as  follows  : 
"  El  Senor  Marquez  de  la  Penuela  hizo  esta  fabrica  ;  el 
Alferes  Real  Don  Agustin  Flores  Vergara  su  criado.  Ano 


224  EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY. 

de  1710." — "  His  Lordship,  the  Marquis  de  la  Pefiuela, 
erected  this  building  ;  the  Royal  Ensign  Don  Augustin 
Flores  Vergara,  his  servant.  A.  D.  1710."  At  this 
period  all  the  principal  churches  in  the  "  kingdom  "  were 
rebuilt,  including  many  that  are  now  standing.  The 
register  of  deaths,  "  Libro  de  Difuntos,"  of  the  mission 
of  San  Diego,  of  Jemez,  commences  in  August,  1720,  when 
Francisco  Carlos  Joseph  Delgado,  "  Preacher  of  the  Holy 
Office  of  the  Inquisition,"  was  the  priest  in  charga. 

The  great  church  at  Santa  Cruz,  which  was  the 
center  of  an  enormous  parish  in  the  north,  has  records 
anterior  to  1720 ;  and  its  Register  of  Marriages,  with  a 
curious  pen-picture  of  the  marriage  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
to  Saint  Joseph  as  a  frontispiece,  bears  date  1726,  the 
first  part  being  written  by  Padre  Predicador  Fray  Man- 
uel de  Sopefia.  The  baptismal  register  in  the  church  at 
Albuquerque  commences  in  1743.  Governor  Pefiuela 
was  an  active  official  in  many  ways,  and  during  his 
administration  made  three  campaigns  into  the  Navajo 
country,  to  subdue  those  Indians.  He  was  afterwards 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

FERNANDO  DE  ALENCASTER  NORENO  Y  SILVA,  Duke  of 
Lenares,  Marquis  of  Valdefuentes  and  of  Govea,  Count 
of  Portoalegre,  Grand  Commander  of  the  Order  of  San- 
tiago of  Portugal,  etc.,  was  Governor  in  1712.  He  was 
afterwards  made  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  and  held  that 
office  in  1714  and  1715. 

JUAN  IGNACIO  FLORES  MOGOLLON  was  commissioned 
as  Civil  and  Military  Governor  by  Philip  V.,  at  Madrid, 
September  27,4707,  for  five  years,  and  qualified  October 
9 ;  but  did  not  arrive  in  Mexico  till  long  after,  being 
recommissioned  by  the  Viceroy,  February  9,  1712,  and 
installed  in  office  in  Santa  Fe,  October  5,  1712.  His 
salary,  as  fixed  by  the  King,  was  $2,000  per  annum. 
He  was  accused  of  malfeasance  in  office,  but  the  case  did 
not  come  on  for  trial  until  after  a  delay  of  some  years. 
By  the  King's  command  he  was  relieved  from  his  posi- 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY.  225 

tion,  October  5,  1715,  after  serving  exactly  three  years. 
His  trial  was  had  at  Santa  Fe  in  1721,  long  after  he  had 
left  New  Mexico ;  and  his  sentence  was  sent  to  the 
Viceroy  for  confirmation,  the  costs  being  adjudged 
against  him.  The  officer  charged  with  their  collection 
reported  that  neither  the  accused  nor  any  of  his  prop- 
erty could  be  found. 

ANTONIO  VALVERDE  Cossio  was  appointed  Governor, 
ad  interim,  for  a  period  in  1714,  and  again  in  1718. 

FELIX  MARTINEZ,  was  appointed  by  the  Viceroy  to 
succeed  Governor  Mogollon,  and  qualified  at  Santa  Fe, 
December  1,  1715.  In  the  succeeding  year  he  led  an  ex- 
pedition to  the  western  confines  of  the  kingdom  as  far 
as  the  Moqui  province,  in  order  to  bring  those  freedom- 
loving  cities  into  subjection.  On  the  north  wall  of  the 
Inscription  Rock,  which  is  an  invaluable  historical 
tablet,  appears  the  record  of  his  passage,  as  follows  :  "  In 
the  year  1716,  upon  the  26th  day  of  August,  passed  by 
this  place  Don  Felix  Martinez,  Governor  and  Captain- 
General  of  this  kingdom,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing 
and  uniting  Moqui."  On  another  part  of  the  rock  are 
the  inscriptions  of  some  of  the  companions  of  the  Gov- 
ernor on  this  expedition,  as  follows  :  "  Juan  Garcia  de 
la  Revas,  Chief  Alcalde,  and  the  first  elected,  of  the  town 
of  Santa  Fe,  in  the  year  1716,  on  the  26th  of  August. 
By  the  hand  of  Bartolo  Fernandez,  Antonio  Fernandez.  " 
In  1719  an  expedition  under  Villaza  started  from  Santa 
Fe,  guided  by  a  Frenchman,  and  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  banks  of  the  Missouri  River,  opposite  the  towns  of 
the  Pawnees  (called  Pananas);  but  the  Indians  crossed 
in  the  night,  surprised  the  Spaniards,  killed  the  com- 
mander and  guide,  and  also  Father  Juan  Dominguez, 
the  chaplain. 

JUAN  DE  ESTRADA  Y  AUSTRIA,  His  Majesty's  Resid- 
uary Judge,  Acting-Governor  and  Captain-General,  dur- 
ing the  trial  of  Ex-Governor  Mogollon,  1721 

JUAN  DOMINGO  DE  BUSTAMANTE. — He  was  Governor 


226  EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY. 

for  nearly  or  all  the  period  from  1721  to  1731,  and  again 
in  1738. 

GERVACIO  CRUZAT  Y  GONGORA  was  Governor  from 
1731  to  1737.  In  the  latter  year  the  Bishop  of  Durango, 
whose  diocese  included  New  Mexico,  made  the  first 
episcopal  visitation  ever  had  in  the  territory.  He  vis- 
ited all  parts  of  New  Mexico,  going  even  as  far  west  as 
Zuni,  and  left  on  the  Inscription  Rock  the  following 
memorial:  "  On  the  28th  day  of  September,  of  the  year 
1737,  arrived  at  this  place  the  Illustrious  Don  Martin 
de  Liza  Cochea,  Bishop  of  Durango;  and  on  the  29th 
left  for  Zuni."  On  this  trip  he  was  accompanied  by  the 
Batchelor  Don  Juan  Ignacio  de  Arrasain,  whose  name 
appears  on  the  rock,  on  the  same  date. 

HENRIQUE  DE  OLAVIDE  Y  MICHELENA.— 1738. 

GASPAR  DOMINGO  Y  MENDOZA. — He  was  Governor 
from  1739  to  1743. 

JOAQUIN  CODALLOS  Y  REBAL  was  Governor  from  1744 
to  1749,  except  in  1747  when — 

FRANCISCO  HUEMES  Y  HoRCASiTAS-was  Governor  ad  in- 
terim. 

TOMAS  VELES  CACHUPIN  was  Governor  for  many 
years,  embracing  the  periods  from  1749  to  1754,  and 
probably  to  1758;  from  1762  to  1767,  and  again  in  1773. 

MANUEL  PORTILLO  URRISOLA  appears  to  have  been 
Governor  for  a  short  time  in  1761,  and — 

FRANCISCO  ANTONIO  MARIN  DEL  VALLE  was  Acting- 
Governor  in  that  year  and  1762.  He  and  his  wife  pre- 
sented to  the  Church  the  great  carved  stone  Reredos 
now  in  the  cathedral  at  Santa  Fe*,  as  appears  from  the 
inscription  thereon. 

PEDUO  FERMIN  DE  MENDINUETA  held  office  several 
times,  and  was  the  last  of  the  officials  having  the  title 
of  "  Captain-General."  He  was  a  Colonel  in  the  Royal 
army,  and  Knight  of  the  Order  of  Santiago;  and  was 
first  Governor  in  1759,  then  for  a  short  term  in  1762, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  Cachupin,  and  afterwards 
succeecjgjl  the  latter  in  1767,  and  held  the  position  until 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY.  227 

1778,  except  a  brief  interval  in  1773,  when  Cachupin 
again  acted. 

JUAN  BAUTISTA  DE  ANSA  was  appointed  as  "  Civil  and 
Military  Governor"  in  1780,  and  held  office  until  1787 
or  1788,  when  he  was  succeeded  by— 

FERNANDO  DE  LA  CONCHA,  who  held  the  position 
until  1794,  and  again  for  a  short  time  in  1800. 

FERNANDO  CHACON  was  appointed  in  1794  and  con- 
tinued in  office  for  eleven  years,  until  1805,  except  an 
interval  in  1800  and  1801. 

These  breaks  in  official  tenure,  and  the  appearance 
of  so  many  ad  interim  officials,  is  in  a  great  measure  ac- 
counted for  by  visits  of  the  Governors  to  the  City  of 
Mexico,  which  at  that  period  required  a  large  amount  of 
time. 

During  all  of  this  century,  New  Mexico  was  the 
extreme  outpost  of  Mexican  authority  and  colonization, 
receiving  all  its  supplies  of  articles  not  produced  at 
home,  by  the  long  routes  from  the  south,  through 
Durango  and  Chihuahua.  The  time  was  very  shortly  to 
come  when  by  the  opening  of  communication  with  the 
American  States  to  the  eastward,  it  was  to  become  of 
itself  a  great  point  of  trade  and  distribution  for  the 
northern  portions  of  Mexico. 

In  1796  a  census  was  taken  by  the  Franciscan 
Fathers,  which  showed  a  population  of  14,167  whites 
and  9,453  Indians — only  the  civilized  Pueblos  being 
enumerated.  This  is  exclusive  of  the  City  of  Santa  Fe, 
which  for  some  reason  is  omitted  in  the  computation. 
In  1798  a  similar  census  showed  a  slight  increase,  there 
being  15,031  whites  and  9,732  Indians.  These  reports 
are  signed  by  Father  Francisco  de  Hezio,  Gusto.  In 
1799  Governor  Chacon  made  an  official  report  of  the  last 
census,  in  accordance  with  a  royal  decree,  making  the 
population,  including  Santa  Fe  and  its  garrison — white, 
18,826 ;  Pueblo,  9,732 ;  or  counting  the  jurisdiction  of  El 
Paso— white,  23,769 ;  Indian,  10,369.  This  showed  the 
population  of  Santa  Fe  to  be  at  that  time  3,795. 


CHAP  TEE  XVI. 


FROM  1800  TO  1846. 
A. — THE  GOVERNORS. 

IN  Chapter  XV.,  on  the  Eighteenth  Century,  the  line 
of  Governors  ended  with  Fernando  Chacon,  who  re- 
mained in  office  till  1805.  This  list  then  continues  a? 
follows, — 

JOAQUIN  DEL  REAL  ALENCASTER. — He  was  in  office 
from  1805  to  1808. 

JOSE  MANRIQUE. — He  was  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the 
army,  and  was  Governor  or  Governor  ad  interim  from 
1808  to  1814;  and  again  for  a  short  time  in  1819.  In  1811 
General  Nemecio  Salcedo,  General  of  the  Department, 
with  head-quarters  at  Chihuahua,  made  certain  orders 
respecting  lands  in  New  Mexico,  which  have  led  to  his 
name  being  placed  in  some  lists  of  Governors  ;  but  he 
never  seems  to  have  had  that  or  any  other  civil  title, 
and  the  powers  he  exercised  he  probably  assumed  by 
virtue  of  his  military  authority. 

ALBERTO  MAYNEZ  was  the  next  executive,  with  the 
title  of  Civil  and  Military  Governor.  He  served  in 
1814  and  1815,  and  again  in  1817. 

PEDRO  MARIA  DE  ALLANDE  succeeded  to  the  title  in 
1816,  and  again  in  1818,  after  the  second  period  of 
Maynez's  authority. 

FACUNDO  MELGARES. — He  was  the  last  of  the  Spanish 
Governors,  the  revolution  of  1821  being  successful  in 
establishing  Mexican  independence.  By  the  law  of  May 
6,  1822,  his  term  as  Governor  expired  on  the  succeeding 
5th  of  July.  It  was  Governor  Melgares  who,  as  Lieutenant, 
commanded  the  brilliant  expedition  into  the  Indian 


1800  TO  1846.  229 

Territory  in  1806;  and  subsequently  had  charge  of  the 
escort  of  Pike,  to  Chihuahua,  in  1807.  During  the  year 
1821,  from  certain  documents  it  appears  that — 

ALEJO  GARCIA  CONDE,  Inspector-General,  acted  as 
Governor  for  a  time,  with  the  title  of  "  Superior  Politi- 
cal Chief  of  the  four  Internal  Provinces/'  This  was 
probably  in  the  revolutionary  days,  before  the  arrange- 
ments under  the  Mexican  regime  became  settled. 

FRANCISCO  XAVIER  CHAVEZ  was  the  first  regular 
executive  under  Mexican  authority.  The  title  was  now 
changed  from  Governor  to  "  Political  Chief."  Governor 
Chavez  succeeded  Melgares  on  July  5,  1822,  and  was  also 
Acting  Civil  Governor  from  June  17  to  July  21,  1823. 

ANTONIO  VISCARA  quickly  succeeded  Chavez  in  1822, 
holding  office  but  a  short  time  ;  but  was  again  in  power 
for  a  brief  period,  in  1828. 

BARTOLOME  BAG  A  was  in  authority  in  1824,  and  until 
September  13,  1825,  when  he  was  succeeded  by — 

ANTONIO  NARBONA,  who  held  the  office  until  May  20, 
1827.  He  was  a  Canadian. 

MANUEL  ARMIJO  then  obtained  the  position,  holding 
it  at  this  time  but  about  a  year,  when — 

JOSE  ANTONIO  CHAVEZ  succeeded,  and  held  the  office 
for  three  years,  a  long  period  in  those  days  of  rapid 
changes  and  short  administrations. 

SANTIAGO  ABREU  became  Political  Chief  in  1831,  and 
continued  until  some  time  in  1832.  He  and  his  two 
brothers,  Ramon  and  Marcelino,  all  came  from  Mexico 
shortly  before,  and  all  were  killed  in  the  revolution  of 
1837.  Governor  Abreu  was  Chief  Justice  down  to  the 
time  of  that  revolution. 

FRANCISCO  SARRACINO. — Political  Chief,  1833  to  May 
14,  1835,  when- 

MARIANO  CHAVEZ  became  Acting  Jefe  Politico  for 
three  months,  until  the  arrival  from  Mexico  of — 

ALBINO  PEREZ,  who  served  as  Political  Chief  until 
the  new  Mexican  constitution  went  into  effect  and  New 


230  1800  TO  1846. 

Mexico  was  changed  from  a  Territory  into  a  Department, 
and  its  executive  from  a  Political  Chief  to  a  Governor. 
The  new  arrangement  went  into  operation  in  May  1837, 
Perez  being  appointed  the  first  Governor,  and  holding 
the  position  until  he  was  cruelly  murdered  in  the  rev- 
olution of  that  year.  During  the  insurrection,  and 
while  Gonzales  was  claiming  to  be  governor,  the  legiti- 
mate authority  was  held  by — 

PEDRO  MUNOZ,  a  Colonel  in  the  army,  as  Acting-Gov- 
ernor, until  the  executive  power  was  assumed  by — 

MANUEL  ARMIJO,  first  as  Commanding  General,  and 
after  the  execution  of  Gonzales  in  January  1838,  as  Gov- 
ernor. He  was  soon  after  regularly  appointed  to  the 
latter  office,  and  held  it  until  January  1845,  when  he  was 
suspended  by  the  Inspector  General.  For  a  brief  time 
in  1841— 

ANTONIO  SANDOVAL  appears  as  Acting-Governor ;  and 
during  the  suspension  of  Armijo — 

MARIANO  MARTINEZ  DE  LEJANZA  was  Acting-Governor 
from  some  time  in  1844  to  September  18,  1845,  and — 

JOSE  CHAVEZ  from  the  latter  date  to  December,  when 
Armijo  was  elected  to  the  executive  office,  and  again 
assumed  its  duties. 

MANUEL  ARMIJO  was  the  last  Mexican  Governor, 
holding  the  position  until  the  American  occupation. 

JUAN  BAUTISTA  VIGIL  Y  ALARID  appears  as  Acting- 
Governor  for  a  short  time  after  Armijo's  retreat,  and  as 
such  delivered  the  capital  to  General  Kearney,  August 
18,  1846. 

B. — PRINCIPAL    EVENTS. 

In  1805  a  census  was  taken,  the  report  of  which 
signed  by  Governor  Alencaster,  under  date  of  Nov.  20, 
1805,  shows  a  population  (exclusive  of  El  Paso  and  its 
surroundings  not  now  included  in  the  territory),  of 
Spaniards:  Male,  10,390;  female,  10,236;  total,  20,626. 
Pueblo  Indians  :  Male,  4,094  ;  female,  4,078 ;  total,  8,172. 
Total  population,  28,798,  exclusive  of  wild  tribes. 


1800  TO  1846.  231 

The  population  of  the  Pueblo  towns  was  as  follows : 
Taos  508,  Picuris  250,  San  Juan  194,  Santa  Clara  188, 
San  Yldefonso  175,  Nambe  143,  Pojuaque  1.00,  Tesuque 
131,  Pecos  104,  Cochiti  656,  Santo  Domingo  333,  San 
Felipe  289,  Sandia  314,  Jemez  264,  Zia  254,  Santa  Ana 
450,  Isleta  419,  Acoma  731,  Laguna  940,  Zufii  1,470, 
Abiquiu  134,  Belem  (so  spelled)  107.  From  this  it  will 
be  seen  that  though  the  aggregate  number  has  not 
greatly  varied  in  three-quarters  of  a  century,  yet  con- 
siderable changes  have  taken  place  in  particular 
pueblos. 

In  the  year  1806,  during  the  same  administration, 
much  excitement  was  caused  by  the  belief  that  an  in- 
vasion from  the  United  States  was  contemplated. 
Rumors  of  Burr's  conspiracy  had  been  received,  at  the 
same  time  that  information  came  of  the  fitting  out  of 
government  expeditions  to  explore  the  territory  newly 
acquired  by  the  Americans  by  the  purchase  of  Lou- 
isiana. In  consequence  of  this,  Lieutenant  Facundo  Mel- 
gares  was  sent  with  600  men  to  descend  Red  River  and 
make  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes  to  the  eastward,  a 
duty  which  he  performed  most  admirably.  Early  in  the 
next  year,  the  expedition  of  Lieutenant  Pike,  which  had 
been  sent  to  explore  the  south-western  United  States 
territory,  was  found  encamped  by  mistake  on  Mexican 
soil,  and  was  brought  in  to  Santa  Fe.  As  this  consti- 
tutes the  first  historical  connection  between  the  United 
States  and  New  Mexico,  a  separate  chapter  has  been  de- 
voted to  the  subject.  (See  Chap.  XVII). 

In  1810  came  the  first  revolutionary  attempt  in 
Mexico,  under  Hidalgo,  commencing  at  Dolores  on 
September  16th,  and  ending  with  the  execution  of  the 
great  leader  at  Chihuahua,  in  the  ensuing  year.  But 
New  Mexico  was  so  isolated  by  its  geographical  position 
that  the  stirring  events  to  the  south  scarcely  caused  a 
ripple  of  excitement  in  the  territory.  In  1814  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  authority  of  the  Governor,  Alberte 


232  1800  TO  1846. 

Maynez,  was  arranged  by  Dionicio  Valdez  and  Antonio 
Armijo;  but  it  was  discovered  before  the  plans  were 
fully  matured,  or  any  active  steps  taken,  and  the  pro- 
jectors were  sentenced  to  ten  years'  imprisonment  at  the 
well  'known  "  Trias  Hacienda,"  at  Encinillas,  north  oi 
Chihuahua. 

All  through  this  period,  down  to  the  final  overthrow 
of  the  Navajoes  long  after  the  American  occupation, 
there  existed  an  almost  constant  condition  of  warfare 
with  that  powerful  tribe.  They  made  frequent  incur- 
sions into  the  settlements — much  as  the  Comanches  did 
in  the  preceding  century ;  and  in  turn  armed  expedi- 
tions were  made  into  their  country,  with  a  view  to  their 
punishment  and  the  destruction  of  their  villages  and 
property.  The  military  reputation  of  Melgares  was 
won  in  such  expeditions,  before  he  was  sent  to  negotiate 
with  the  Pawnees  in  the  east.  They  served  as  a  school 
of  military  experience.  Governor  Vigil  took  part  in  no 
less  than  four  of  these  campaigns,  in  1823, 1833, 1836,  and 
1838.  The.  hostility  of  these  Indians  was  intensified 
by  instances  of  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  A 
notable  case  of  this  kind  occurred  in  1820,  when  a  party 
of  Navajo  Indians  came  into  the  village  of  Jemez  for  the 
purpose  of  concluding  a  peace.  They  were  received  in 
a  friendly  manner,  but  after  a  short  time  the  authorities 
of  the  town  determined  to  put  them  to  death;  so  the 
people  were  secretly  arranged  in  position  so  as  to  sur- 
round them  while  they  were  unarmed,  and  cruelly  killed 
them  with  clubs.  Complaint  of  this  outrage  was  made 
to  the  government,  and  the  leaders  were  arrested ;  but 
the  cases  dragged  along  until  1824,  when  they  were  all 
set  at  liberty.  Ten  years  after,  the  principal  perpetra- 
tors of  this  cruelty  fell  by  the  hands  of  other  members 
of  this  same  tribe,  it  seeming  as  if  Providence  would 
not  allow  the  crime  to  pass  without  retribution.  Gregg 
speaks  of  a  similar  outrage,  which  occurred  at  Cochiti. 

About  the  year  1830  the  Navajoes  were  kept  in  very 


1800  TO  1846.  233 

good  order  for  a  time  by  the  energy  of  Colonel  Vizcarra, 
but  after  his  departure  no  one  arose  capable  of  inspiring 
them  with  fear.  The  ordinary  custom  was  for  peace  to 
be  made  in  the  spring,  which  permitted  the  sowing  of 
grain  to  be  done  without  danger ;  but  the  fall  was  very 
likely  to  see  a  renewal  of  hostilities.  An  expedition 
organized  in  1835,  in  which  most  of  the  leading  men  of 
the  territory  enlisted  as  volunteers,  was  surprised  by 
an  ambush  in  a  narrow  defile,  and  forced  to  retreat  with 
some  loss.  The  Apaches  also  made  periodical  raids  into 
certain  parts  of  the  territory,  and  by  attacks  on  frontier 
settlements  prevented  to  a  great  extent  the  spread  of 
population.  They  were  more  troublesome,  however,  in 
Chihuahua  than  in  New  Mexico. 

On  the  28th  day  of  September,  1821,  Mexico  declared 
its  independence  of  the  mother  country,  and  shortly 
afterwards  succeeded  in  making  it  a  reality.  This  nec- 
essarily caused  an  entire  change  in  the  relations  of  New 
Mexico,  which  became  a  part  of  the  new  country — an 
empire  under  Iturbide,  and  a  republic  after  his  fall. 
One  principle  of  the  new  government  of  Mexico  was 
popular  education;  and  accordingly,  in  1822,  we  find  the 
first  steps  taken  in  the  Territory  towards  the  establish- 
ment of  public  schools. 

In  1824,  Durango,  Chihuahua,  and  New  Mexico  were 
united  in  constituting  a  State  of  the  Mexican  Union ; 
but  this  arrangement  did  not  last  for  any  great  length 
of  time. 

In  1828  the  Mexican  Congress  passed  a  law  expelling 
all  native-born  Spaniards  (called  Cachupines)  from  the 
republic.  This  of  course  affected  a  number  in  New 
Mexico,  including  several  Franciscan  Friars,  who  were 
all  forced  to  leave,  with  the  exception  of  two,  named 
Albino  and  Castro,  who  were  permitted  to  remain  on 
account  of  their  advanced  age — and  the  payment  of  $500 
each !  It  was  not  believed  that  any  large  proportion  of 
this  sum  reached  the  official  treasury. 


234  1800  TO  1846. 

In  1833  the  Bishop  of  Durango  made  a  visitation 
throughout  New  Mexico,  and  was  received  with  great 
enthusiasm.  Special  preparations  were  made  at  all 
points  for  his  reception ;  the  roads  and  bridges  on  the 
route  were  repaired  and  decorated^  and  the  houses  decked 
with  flags,  colored  cloths,  and  flowers,  in  profusion.  He 
made  quite  a  protracted  stay  in  Santa  Fe,  and  visited  a 
number  of  towns  in  the  territory.  A  year  before,  Padre 
Ortiz  (Juan  Felipe)  had  been  appointed  as  Vicar-general 
of  New  Mexico. 

In  1835  the  first  newspaper  enterprise  was  attempted 
— Padre  Martinez,  of  Taos,  issuing  a  paper,  of  the  size 
of  foolscap,  entitled  "El  Crepusculo"  (meaning  "The 
Dawn  "),  weekly  for  about  a  month,  when  its  particular 
mission  being  accomplished,  and  the  number  of  its  sub- 
scribers (about  fifty)  not  justifying  a  continuance,  it 
was  abandoned.  This  was  the  only  attempt  at  a  news- 
paper while  the  territory  was  under  Mexican  control. 

In  1837  occurred  the  change  in  the  general  system 
of  government  throughout  the  republic,  which  meta- 
morphosed New  Mexico  from  a  Territory  into  a  Depart- 
ment, and  by  its  augmented  taxation  and  other  unpop- 
ular features  led  to  an  insurrection  of  large  importance, 
and  at  the  time,  of  very  doubtful  result.  This  was  the 
first  revolution,  of  any  real  moment,  in  a  century  and  a 
half ;  for  which  reason  it  has  appeared  best  to  treat  it 
briefly  in  a  separate  chapter.  (See  Chap.  XIX.) 

Through  many  years,  since  the  first  passage  across 
the  plains  in  the  early  part  of  the  century,  the  traffic 
with  the  United  States  had  been  steadily  increasing, 
until  it  had  grown  to  very  large  proportions,  and  the 
goods  thus  brought  to  Santa  Fe  were  distributed  over  a 
large  part  of  northern  Mexico.  The  importance  of  this 
business  and  the  general  interest  attached  to  the  history 
of  the  "Santa  F6  Trail,"  has  caused  that  subject  also  to 
have  a  separate  chapter  devoted  to  it.  (See  Chap.  XVIII.) 
This  intercourse  between  the  valleys  of  the  Mississippi 


1800  TO  1846.  235 

and  the  Rio  Grande,  naturally  brought  into  New  Mex- 
ico merchants  and  traders  from  the  East,  and  they, 
together  with  trappers  and  hunters  who  gradually 
accumulated  a  competence  and  settled  down  near  the 
scenes  of  their  active  life,  constituted  a  population  now 
generally  known  as  the  "  Pioneers."  Their  history 
should  be  separately  written,  and  when  their  adventures 
and  exploits  are  faithfully  recorded,  will  be  as  interest- 
ing as  the  most  fascinating  romance.  Many  of  the  first 
of  them  to  settle  on  the  western  border  of  the  plains 
were  of  the  parentage  known  as  "  St.  Louis  French  ;  " 
and  hence  come  the  French  names  which  exist  through- 
out the  north  of  the  Territory,  whose  existence  would 
otherwise  be  a  mystery. 

First  among  those  thus  to  establish  a  business  in 
New  Mexico  was  Mr.  Roubidoux,  who  settled  at  Taos  in 
1822.  Charles  Beaubien  came  to  the  same  town  in  1827, 
and  a  year  later  married  the  sister  of  Don  Pedro  Valdez. 
He  was  one  of  the  grantees  of  the  enormous  "  Beaubien 
and  Miranda  Grant,"  to  which  his  son-in-law  gave  the 
name  of  the  "  Maxwell  Grant."  His  daughters  married 
respectively  Lucien  B.  Maxwell,  Jesus  G.  Abreu,  Joseph 
Clouthier,  and  Frederick  Muller.  Colonel  Ceran  St. 
Vrain,  perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  south-western 
pioneers,  lived  for  many  years  at  Taos,  and  subsequently 
at  Mora,  where  he  owned  a  large  mill,  and  where  his 
grave  now  is.  The  Bents  built  "Bents'  Fort"  in  1829, 
and  in  1832  Bent  and  St.  Vrain  commenced  business  at 
Taos.  There  Charles  Bent  married,  and  lived  until  his 
appointment  as  Governor,  and  violent  death  in  1847. 
Kit  Carson  first  came  from  Missouri  to  Santa  Fe  in 
1826;  afterwards  going  to  Taos,  where  he  studied  Spanish 
with  Kinkead,  and  through  all  the  travels  and  vicissi- 
tudes of  his  after  life,  retained  that  as  his  home. 
Maxwell,  on  his  "  Home  Ranch  "  on  the  Cimarron,  lived 
like  a  feudal  chief,  dispensing  a  lavish  hospitality,  and 
literally  "lord  of  all  he  surveyed."  He  employed  500 


236  1800  TO  1846. 

men,  had  1,000  horses,  10,000  cattle,  and  40,000  sheep ; 
and  after  the  hardships  of  early  frontier  life,  enjoyed 
leisure  and  profusion  in  his  later  days.  The  oldest 
living  "  American"  in  Santa  Fe  for  many  years  was 
James  Conklin,  who  came  in  1825,  and  died  in  June, 
1883.  Samuel  B.  Watrous,  now  the  father  of  the  town 
of  that  name,  arrived  in  1835,  and  for  a  considerable 
time  lived  at  the  Placers.  James  Bonney,  whose  hos- 
pitality both  Emory  and  Abert  record,  was  the  original 
settler  at  La  Junta,  in  1842,  his  house  being  the  first 
one  seen  in  1846  for  a  distance  of  775  miles  in  com- 
ing from  the  east.  Peter  Joseph,  a  native  of  the  Azores, 
came  to  Taos  in  1844,  and  established  himself  in  bus- 
iness. 

In  the  year  1841  great  excitement  was  produced  by 
reports  of  the  coming  of  an  invading  army  from  Texas, 
for  the  purpose  of  conquering  the  territory.  George 
W.  Kendall,  the  editor  of  the  New  Orleans  "  Picayune," 
who  accompanied  this  expedition  simply  as  a  traveller, 
has  left  a  very  graphic  account  of  its  history  in  his 
"  Santa  Fe  Expedition,"  published  in  1844.  According 
to  his  statement,  it  had  no  intention  of  making  war  ; 
it  was  believed  in  Texas,  which  claimed  all  the  country 
east  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  part  of  her  territory,  that  the 
majority  of  the  New  Mexican  people  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  government  of  Mexico,  and  would  gladly  unite 
with  the  Texans,  if  not  overawed  by  military  power. 
The  intention  of  the  expedition,  then,  was  to  ascertain 
with  regard  to  this  feeling,  and  if  the  people  so  desired, 
to  raise  the  "  Lone  Star  "  flag,  and  protect  them  against 
Mexican  coercion ;  but  if  there  was  no  such  popular  feel- 
ing, then  simply  to  endeavor  to  open  a  mercantile  trade. 
The  Mexican  authorities,  however,  naturally  regarded 
it  as  a  direct  invasion  of  their  territory ;  and  terrible 
stories  were  circulated  as  to  the  ferocity  of  the  Texans, 
who,  it  was  said,  would  burn,  slay,  and  destroy  wherever 
they  went. 


1800  TO  1846.  237 

The  expedition  set  out  from  Austin  on  the  18th  of 
June,  1841,  under  command  of  General  McLeod;  and 
consisted  of  270  mounted  volunteers,  divided  into 
six  companies,  of  which  one  was  of  artillery  and  pro- 
vided with  a  brass  six-pounder;  and  about  fifty 
others,  •  including  commissioners,  merchants,  tourists, 
and  servants.  Their  march  was  a  very  dangerous  and 
arduous  one,  as  it  passed  through  a  country  entirely 
untravelled ;  and  of  the  rivers,  deserts,  ravines,  and 
other  obstacles  to  be  encountered,  those  in  the  expedi- 
tion knew  nothing.  When  a  long  distance  out  on  the 
plains,  Lieutenant  Hull  and  four  men  were  killed 
by  the  Caygua  Indians  ;  and  soon,  on  account  of  the  diffi- 
culty in  finding  water,  it  was  determined  to  divide  the 
party,  Captain  Button,  with  eighty-seven  soldiers  and 
twelve  civilians,  being  sent  in  advance  on  the  best 
horses  to  find  the  nearest  settlements  and  send  word 
back  to  the  remainder.  They  took  rations  for  five  days, 
but  owing  to  their  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  country, 
and  the  time  lost  in  trying  to  cross  a  very  deep  and 
perpendicular  canon,  it  was  thirteen  before  they  met 
any  human  beings,  when  they  fell  in  with  a  party  of 
Mexicans  returning  from  trading  with  the  Indians,  at 
a  point  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  Fort  Bascom. 
Near  the  Gallinas  they  found  a  sheep  ranch,  and  for  the 
first  time  in  many  days  had  enough  food  to  eat.  From 
here  two  of  the  party,  Captain  Lewis  and  Mr.  Van 
Ness,  who  spoke  Spanish,  were  sent  ahead  to  confer 
with  the  authorities,  and  two  merchants  with  Mr.  Ken- 
dall accompanied  them.  At  Anton  Chico  they  found 
the  people  in  a  terrible  condition  of  fear  and  excitement, 
owing  to  the  stories  that  had  been  circulated  of  Texan 
ferocity  and  cruelty  ;  and  were  informed  that  the  whole 
country  was  in  arms,  and  that  they  would  no  doubt  be 
taken  prisoners  the  next  day  and  be  shot. 

The  following  morning  they  proceeded  through  La 
Cuesta  to  San  Miguel,  and  on  the  way  were  met  bv 


238  1800  TO  1846. 

Damacio  Salazar,  with  100    roughly    dressed  but  well 
mounted  soldiers.     In  answer  to  his  questions  they  told 
him    that   they  were   messengers   from   a  large   party 
behind,  and  desired  to  see  the  Governor.     This  seemed 
satisfactory,  but  at  the  first  stop,  having  surrounded  the 
party  with  his  men,  Salazar  said  that  he  must  demand 
their  arms,  at  the  same  time  expressing  regret  at  the 
necessity  of  carrying  out  his  orders.     These  were  given 
up,  and  soon  after  Salazar  said  that  his  instructions  were 
to  take  all   papers  and  similar  articles,  and  the  party 
had  to  submit  to  being  searched.     Thus  far  the  Mexican 
officer  had  expressed  so  much  regret  at  having  to  incom- 
mode the  travellers  that  they  had  not  doubted  his  sincer- 
ity, but  they  were  shocked  a  little  later  to  see  twelve 
men  drawn  up  before  them  with  the  evident  intent  of 
shooting  them  then  and  there ;  and  this  would  have  been 
quickly  accomplished  but  for  the  intervention  of  Don 
Gregorio  Vigil,  who  stopped  the  bloody  deed.     The  pris- 
oners— for   such  they  now   were — were   then    marched 
through  La  Cuesta  and  Puertocito  to  San  Miguel,  where 
they  were  confined  in  a  room  ;  the  women  all  along  the 
route  showing  a  kindness  and  sympathy  in  marked  con- 
trast with  the  unnecessary  cruelty  of  their  captors.  The 
next  day  on  the  road  to  Santa  Fe,  they  met  Governor 
Armijo,  who  directed  them  to  be  retaken  to  San  Miguel. 
Here,  from  their  little  window,  they  saw  two  of  their 
late  companions   shot  for  having  attempted  to  escape 
after  being  taken ;  and  they  soon  after  heard  that  through 
the  treachery  of  one  of  their  party,  named  Lewis,  who 
had  been  used  by  Armijo  to  deceive  the  Texans,  and  on 
his    assurance  that   they  would  be   well   treated   and 
allowed  to  trade,  but  that  the  universal  custom  was  for 
Santa  F6  traders  to  give  up  their  arms  on  entering  the 
settlements  and  receive  them  when  their  business  was 
done,  the  entire  party  had  delivered  up  all  their  arms ; 
and  thereupon  had  been  surrounded  and  treated  as  pris- 
oners. 


1800  TO  1846.  239 

On  the  17th  of  October  the  whole  Texan  expedition 
were  marched  out  of  San  Miguel,  on  the  way  to  the 
City  of   Mexico,  under  a  strong  guard  commanded  by 
Salazar.     The  story  of  their  sufferings  and  privations, 
of  the  numberless  cruelties  and  persecutions  inflicted  by 
Salazar,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  disgrace  to  the  Mexi- 
can name ;  of  the  great  contrast  in  their  treatment  when 
they  were  transferred  at  El  Paso  to  the  care  of  General 
J.  M.  Elias  Gonzales,  who  put  Salazar  under  arrest ;  of 
the  kindness  and  hospitality  of  this  General  "  Elias  " 
and  Padre   Ortiz,    and   of  their  long  imprisonment  in 
Mexico — is  graphically  told  by  Mr.  Kendall,  but  cannot 
have  further  space  here.     The  sequel  to  this  history,  in 
the  attacks  made  during  the  next  year  on  Mexican  tra- 
ders, will  be  found  in  the  chapter  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail. 
In  1844  Governor   Martinez  issued  a  proclamation 
which  is  interesting  as  containing  the  last  arrangement 
of  civil  divisions  under  the  Mexican  rule,  and  also  as 
giving  the  estimated  populations.     It   states  that  the 
Department  of  New  Mexico  is  divided  into  three  dis- 
tricts,   to  be  called  the  Central,    the  North,   and  the 
South-east.     The  whole  is  divided  into  seven  counties. 
The  districts  are  as  follows. — 

Central  District. — Counties  of  Santa  Fe,  Santa  Ana,  and 
San  Miguel  del  Bado,  with  populations  of  12,500,  10,500, 
and  18,800. 

North  District. — Counties  of  Rio  Arriba  and  Taos,  with 
populations  of  15,000  and  14,200. 

South-east  D^r^.-Counties  of  Valencia  and  Bernalillo. 
Populations  20,000  and  8,204. 

This  gives  the  total  population  of  the  territory  as 
99,204.  The  proclamation  is  dated  June  17,  1844. 

Governor  Martinez  was  a  special  friend  of  education. 
He  sent  a  number  of  the  most  promising  young  men  in 
the  territory  to  Durango  and  the  City  of  Mexico  to  re- 
ceive military  educations;  and  established  additional 
government  schools  in  Santa  Fe. 


240  1800  TO  1846. 

The  news  of  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico  in  May,  1846,  naturally 
created  a  great  excitement  at  Santa  Fe ;  the  more  so  as 
all  of  New  Mexico  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  was  included 
in  the  territory  in  dispute,  the  ownership  of  which  was 
the  occasion  of  the  war.  Almost  immediately  thereafter 
news  arrived  that  an  expedition  was  being  fitted  out  in 
Missouri  for  the  invasion  of  New  Mexico,  so  that  it  was 
certain  that  the  territory  would  become  the  theatre  of  ac- 
tual warfare ;  and  this  raised  the  excitement  still  higher. 

General  Armijo  was  Governor,  but  for  various  rea- 
sons was  unpopular  with  a  large  proportion  of  the  in- 
fluential citizens ;  and  they  distrusted  his  ability  and 
that  of  his  army  to  repel  an  invasion.  An  important 
private  meeting  of  leading  New  Mexicans  was  therefore 
held  to  determine  what  steps  should  be  taken  in  the 
emergency;  and  it  was  decided  that  the  best  course 
would  be  to  organize  a  volunteer  army  composed  in 
part  of  those  who  had  experience  in  Indian  wars,  and 
were  of  most  approved  bravery.  As  commander  they  nat- 
urally turned  to  Don  Manuel  Chavez,  of  Santa  Fe,  who 
had  acquired  a  high  reputation  as  an  Indian-fighter;  and 
the  other  officers  designated  were  Miguel  E.  Pino, 
Nicolas  Pino,  and  Tomas  C.  de  Baca,  the  latter  from 
Peiia  Blanca.  A  petition  embodying  this  programme 
was  presented  to  the  Governor ;  and  Manuel  Chavez 
assured  him  that  if  this  plan  were  adopted,  he  could 
surely  defeat  the  Americans,  as  they  would  be  far  from 
their  base  of  supplies  and  unacquainted  with  the  coun- 
try. Armijo  appeared  well  pleased  with  the  proposi- 
tion, but  put  off  a  decision  until  the  last  moment,  and 
then  answered  that  he  was  confident  of  success  with  his 
dragoons.  The  result  is  known,  and  finds  a  place  in  the 
chapter  on  the  "American  Occupation;"  but  these 
facts  are  here  mentioned  because  they  were  the  founda- 
tion of  subsequent  erroneous  charges  against  some  of 
those  who  were  the  leaders  in  the  movement. 


1800  TO  1846.  241 

C. — MINES  AND  MINING. 

At  the  time  of  the  journey  of  Lieutenant  Pike,  in 
1807,  as  appears  in  the  chapter  on  his  expedition,  but 
one  mine  was  being  worked  in  the  territory ;  to  use 
his  words,  "  There  are  no  mines  known  in  the  Province 
except  one  of  copper,  situated  in  a  mountain  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  latitude  34°.  It  is 
worked,  and  produces  20,000  mule-loads  of  copper 
annually.  It  contains  gold,  but  not  quite  sufficient  to 
pay  for  its  extraction."  The  locality  named  above 
would  be  directly  west  of  Socorro,  in  the  Magdalenas ; 
but  it  is  very  possible  that  the  latitude  given  is  wrong, 
and  that  the  description  refers  to  the  Santa  Rita  mine, 
near  Silver  City.  This  was  discovered  in  1800  by 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Carrisco,  through  the  aid  of  an 
Indian.  In  1804  he  sold  it  to  Don  Francisco  Manuel 
Elguea,  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Chihuahua,  who  at  once 
commenced  extensive  developments,  and  found  the 
metal  of  such  fine  quality  that  the  whole  product  was 
contracted  to  the  royal  mint  for  coinage  ;  and  was  trans- 
ported to  the  City  of  Mexico  by  pack-mules  and  wagons — 
100  mules,  carrying  800  pounds  each,  being  constantly 
employed. 

The  next  discovery  of  importance  was  that  in  the 
district  now  called  the'"  Old  Placers."  In  1828  a  citizen 
of  Sonora,  who  was  herding  some  cattle  in  that  vicinity, 
in  following  some  animals  that  had  strayed  into  the 
mountains,  saw  a  stone  which  resembled  those  in  the 
gold  regions  of  his  native  State.  A  further  examina- 
tion revealed  particles  of  gold,  and  the  news  of  the  dis- 
covery occasioned  much  excitement.  Many  men  flocked 
to  the  spot,  and  washing  was  carried  on  for  a  number 
of  years,  with  what,  under  the  circumstances,  was  good 
success.  The  appliances  were  of  the  rudest  description, 
and  the  lack  of  water  a  great  drawback.  The  winter 
season  was  the  favorite  time  for  operations,  on  account 
of  the  facilities  afforded  for  obtaining  water  from  snow. 


242  1800  TO  1846. 

This  was  thrown  into  a  sink  and  melted  with  hot 
stones.  The  washing  was  done  in  a  round  wooden  bowl 
called  "  batea,"  about  eighteen  inches  in  diameter, which 
was  filled  with  earth  and  then  immersed  in  the  pool, 
and  constantly  stirred  until  nothing  was  left  but  the 
heavy  black  sand  and  grains  of  gold.  From  1832  to 
1835  the  annual  product  was  from  $60,000  to  $80,000 ; 
but  then  diminished  somewhat,  the  poorest  years  not 
producing  more  than  $30,000  or  $40,000. 

Soon  after  the  discovery  of  the  Placers,  a  vein  of  gold 
ore  was   found  on  the  property  of  Ortiz   in  the   same 
vicinity;  and  in  order  to  work  it  he  formed  a  partnership 
with  Lopez,  a  Spaniard,  with  some  experience  in  min- 
ing.    By  the  skill  of  the  latter  a*  considerable  sum  was 
realized,  whereupon  a  feeling  of  jealousy  arose,  and  the 
old  decree  which  ordered  the  expulsion  of  all  natives  of 
Spain  from  Mexico,  though   long  considered  obsolete, 
was  revived  by  the  officials,  who  desired  to.  obtain  pos- 
session themselves,  and  Lopez  was  immediately  ordered 
to  the  frontier,  the  vigilant  officers  assuring  him  that  it 
Was  against  their  consciences  "  longer  to  connive  at  his 
residence  so  near  the  Capital,  in  contravention  of  the 
Laws."     A  new  company,  including  several  officials, with 
Ortiz,  then  proceeded  with  the  wealth-producing  work  ; 
but  from  lack  of  knowledge  did  not  obtain  a  grain  of 
gold.      Subsequently  an  order  was  made  prohibiting 
any  but  natives  from  working  at  the  mines  ;  and  thus 
foreign  capital  and  energy  were  prevented  from  taking 
any  part  in  the  necessary  development.     The  greater 
part  of  the  work  was  done  by  poor  men  working  on 
their  own  account,  and  satisfied  if  they  could  realize 
scanty  wages.     Each  miner  was  allowed  ten  paces  in  all 
directions  from  his  pit,  as  his  u  claim,"  and  no  new- 
comer  could  interfere  with   the   right   thus  acquired, 
unless  the  "  labor"  was  abandoned  for  a  specified  time, 
when  the  ground  again  become  open  to  location.     The 
gold  was  mainly  in  dust,  but  occasionally  large  nuggets 


1800  TO  1846.  243 

were  found,  the  most  valuable  being  worth  $3,400,  al- 
though it  was  sold  by  its  finder  for  $1,400. 

In  1839  the  "  New  Placers  "  were  discovered  a  short 
distance  to  the  south-west,  and  the  miners  speedily 
deserted  their  old  "  diggings  "  for  the  greater  charms  of 
the  new  ;  and  the  little  village  of  Tuerto  rose  into  large 
importance  as  a  business  point.  In  1845  this  town 
contained  twenty-two  stores,  transacting  more  business 
in  the  aggregate  than  the  establishments  of  Santa  Fe. 
At  that  time  the  annual  "  output "  of  both  districts  had 
reached  $250,000,  and  as  many  as  2,000  men  congregated 
there  to  work  in  the  winter.  Machinery  was  introduced, 
but  the  lack  of  a  sufficient  supply  of  water  prevented 
very  extensive  operations.  At  the  time  of  the  American 
occupation,  Samuel  B.  Watrous,  for  whom  the  town  of 
Watrous  has  since  been  named,  and  Richard  Dallum, 
the  first  U.  S.  Marshal,  were  residents  of  the  "  Placers." 
The  "  Ramirez  "  mine  is  described  as  being  at  that  time 
the  most  important  in  operation.  Among  other  Placers 
which  were  discovered  and  worked  before  1846,  were  a 
number  in  the  north,  in  the  vicinity  of  Taos,  and  as  far 
distant  as  Sangre  de  Cristo ;  and  Gregg  speaks  (1844) 
of  some  in  the  mountains,  near  Abiquiu.  At  that  time 
no  silver  mines  were  in  operation,  though  discoveries, 
had  been  made  near  Manzano ;  but  the  ore  was  con- 
sidered too  refractory  to  be  worked  by  the  appliances  at 
liand.  Two  years  later,  however,  Lieutenant  Abert  tells 
of  visiting  Don  Pedro  Baca,  at  Manzano,  and  receiving 
some  fine  specimens  of  ore  from  mines  of  which  his  host 
had  charge.  Some  discoveries  had  also  been  made  of 
silver  near  Socorro.  This  may  be  said  to  be  the  sub- 
stance of  the  mining  development  as  it  existed  when 
our  history  closes,  showing  how  almost  entirely  that 
branch  of  industry  had  been  abandoned  since  the 
Pueblo  revolution,  and  giving  but  little  earnest  of  the 
enormous  proportions  which  it  was  to  assume  in  the 
future. 


244  1800  TO  1846. 

B — SANTA  F1S  IN  1846. 

The  following  description  of  Santa  Fe*,  as  it  appeared 
in  1846,  is  taken  from  the  works  of  Cooke,  Abert,  Edwards, 
and  Meline,  and  is  of  interest  as  showing  the  condition 
at  that  time  of  the  Capital  city :  The  city,  though  spread 
over  a  large  extent,  was  thinly  inhabited,  and  with  the 
exception  of  the  buildings  around  the  plaza,  consisted 
of  scattered  houses  surrounded  by  corn-fields.  On  one 
side  of  the  plaza  (which  is  about  350  feet  square)  stood 
the  Palace,  a  long  adobe  building,  one  story  high,  with 
a  portico  formed  by  extending  the  roof  some  distance 
over  the  street,  supported  by  the  smooth  trunks  of  trees, 
This  portico  extended  in  front  of  all  the  buildings  front- 
ing the  plaza.  The  Palace  was  the  only  building  having 
glazed  windows.  At  one  end  of  it  was  the  government 
printing-office,  and  at  the  other  the  guard-house  and 
prison.  Fearful  stories  were  connected  with  the  prison ; 
and  Edwards  says  that  he  found,  on  examining  the 
walls  of  the  small  rooms,  locks  of  human  hair  stuffed 
into  holes,  with  rude  crosses  drawn  over  them. 

Fronting  the  Palace,  on  the  south  side  of  the  plaza, 
stood  the  remains  of  the  Capilla  de  los  Soldados,  or  mil- 
itary chapel,  the  real  name  of  which  was  The  Church 
of  Our  Lady  of  Light.  It  was  said  to  hare  been  the 
richest  church  in  the  Territory,  but  had  not  then  been 
in  use  for  a  number  of  years,  and  the  roof  had  fallen  in, 
allowing  the  elements  to  complete  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion On  each  side  of  the  altar  was  the  remains  of  fine 
carving,  and  a  weather-beaten  picture  above  gave  evi- 
dence of  having  been  a  beautiful  painting.  Over  the 
door  was  a  large  oblong  slab  of  freestone,  elaborately 
carved,  representing  "  Our  Lady  of  Light"  rescuing  a 
human  being  from  the  jaws  of  Satan.  A  large  tablet, 
beautifully  executed  in  relief,  stood  behind  the  altar, 
representing  various  saints,  with  an  inscription  stating 
that  it  was  erected  by  Governor  Francisco  Antonio 
Maria  del  Valle,  and  his  wife,  in  1761. 


1800  TO  1846.  245 

The  other  sides  of  the  square  were  occupied  by  the 
shops  used  by  those  engaged  in  the  trade  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Trail.  There  were  no  trees  in  the  center  of  the  plaza, 
which  was  simply  an  open  square,  dusty  in  the  spring, 
and  muddy  in  the  rainy  season ;  but  on  each  side  wag 
an  acequia,  with  a  row  of  young  cottonwoods.  The 
houses  were  lighted  by  small  grated  windows,  generally 
about  a  foot  square;  but  the  dazzling  whiteness  of  the 
walls  made  them  sufficiently  light.  The  church  services 
were  held  in  the  Parroquia,  or  parochial  church  (now 
the  cathedral),  which  had  two  towers  or  steeples,  in 
which  hung  three  or  four  bells.  The  music  was  fur- 
nished by  a  violin  and  a  triangle.  "  The  wall  back  of 
the  altar  was  covered  with  innumerable  mirrors,  paint- 
ings, and  bright-colored  tapestry." 

During  the  month  of  November^  1846,  a  dramatic  so- 
ciety was  organized  among  the  soldiers ;  and  Governor 
Bent  having  kindly  given  the  use  of  the  ball-room  in 
the  Palace,  it  was  soon  transformed  into  a  theatre.  The 
"  season  "  opened  with  Pizarro  and  Bombastes  Furioso 
about  the  middle  of  the  month,  and  continued  until 
many  of  the  troops  were  ordered  South  in  December. 
On  the  night  after  Christmas,  the  Governor  gave  a  grand 
ball  in  the  Palace,  to  which  the  leading  people  of  both 
nationalities  were  invited,  and  which  was  considered 
one  of  the  finest  entertainments  that  Santa  Fe"  had  ever 
seen. 


CHAPTEE   XVII. 

THE   EXPEDITION   OF   LIEUTENANT  PIKE — 1806. 

VERY  shortly  after  the  acquisition  of  the  vast  terri- 
tory then  embraced  under  the  one  name  of  Louis* 
lana  from  the  French  by  the  United  States,  the  Govern^ 
ment  of  the  latter  undertook  the  exploration  of  such 
portions  of  this  immense  domain  as  were  then  unknown, 
save  to  the  aborigines.  Captains  Merriwether  Lewis, 
andC.  Clark  were  selected  by  the  President  to  explore  the 
then  unvisited  sources  of  the  Missouri,  and  Lieutenant 
Zebulon  Montgomery  Pike,  of  the  sixth  infantry,  to  fol- 
low the  Mississippi  to  its  source ;  both  expeditions  having 
to  traverse  unbroken  wildernesses  and  encounter  untold 
hardships  and  privations.  The  expedition  of  Lieutenant 
Pike  occupied  nearly  nine  months,  extending  from 
August  9,  1805,  when  he  sailed  from  St.  Louis,  to  the 
last  day  of  April,  1806,  when  he  returned. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  he  was  requested  by  General 
Wilkinson  to  take  command  of  another  expedition  then 
being  fitted  out  at  St.  Louis,  the  primary  object  of 
which  was  to  conduct  a  number  of  Osage  Indian  cap- 
tives, and  also  a  deputation  of  that  tribe  recently  re- 
turned from  Washington,  up  the  Missouri  and  Osage 
Rivers  to  the  Indian  town  of  Grand  Osage.  The  in- 
structions then  provided  that  Lieutenant  Pike  should  en- 
deavor to  bring  about  a  permanent  peace  between  the 
Kansas  and  Osage  nations;  and  afterwards  to  "establish 
a  good  understanding  with  the  Yanctons,  Tetaus,  or 
Camanches,"  and  finally  "  to  ascertain  the  direction,  ex- 
tent, and  navigation  of  the  Arkansaw  and  Red  Rivers." 
As  to  the  possibility  of  meeting  inhabitants  of  New 
Mexico,  the  instructions  of  the  General  were  as  follows: 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  247 

"  As  your  interview  with  the  Camanches  will  probably 
lead  you  to  the  head  branches  of  the  Arkansaw  and  Red 
Rivers,  you  may  find  yourself  approximated  to  the  set- 
tlements of  New  Mexico,  and  there  it  will  be  necessary 
you  should  move  with  great  circumspection  to  keep 
clear  of  any  hunting  or  reconnoitering  parties  from  that 
province  and  to  prevent  alarm  or  offense ;  because  the 
affairs  of  Spain  and  the  United  States  appear  to  be  on 
the  point  of  amicable  adjustment,  and  moreover  it  is 
the  desire  of  the  President  to  cultivate  the  friendship 
and  harmonious  intercourse  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  particularly  our  near  neighbors,  the  Span- 
iards." 

This  expedition  started  from  the  landing  at  Belle 
Fontaine  on  July  15,  1806— the  party  consisting  of  two 
lieutenants,  one  surgeon,  one  sergeant,  two  corporals, 
sixteen  privates,  and  one  interpreter.  It  had  in  charge 
fifty-one  Indians,  the  most  of  whom  were  Osages  who 
had  been  redeemed  from  captivity  among  the  Potta- 
watomies,  and  were  now  to  be  returned  to  their  own 
country.  The  surgeon  was  Dr.  Robinson,  who  was  a 
volunteer,  giving  his  services  as  compensation  for 
transportation  and  accommodation.  Without  dwelling 
on  this  expedition  until  it  neared  the  Spanish  bound- 
ary, it  may  be  said  that  from  August  20th  to  Sep- 
tember 1st,  Lieutenant  Pike  remained  at  Grand  Osage, 
holding  councils  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Osage  nation, 
and  that  on  September  29th  he  held  a  grand  council 
with  the  Pawnees  at  their  principal  village,  not  less 
than  400  warriors  being  present. 

.  At  this  point  he  saw  the  first  evidences  of  the  Span- 
ish expedition  which  had  recently  visited  there  from 
New  Mexico.  This  expedition,  which  was  the  most 
important  that  ever  penetrated  to  the  eastward -into  the 
Indian  country,  at  least  in  modern  times,  consisted  of 
100  dragoons  of  the  regular  army  drawn  from 
Chihuahua,  and  500  mounted  militia  of  New  Mexico, 


248  LIEUTENANT    PIKE. 

all  equipped  with  ammunition  for  six  months,  and  each 
man  leading  two  horses  and  a  mule,  making  the  whole 
number  of  animals  2,075.  The  whole  force  was  under 
the  command  of  Don  Facundo  Melgares,  a  lieutenant  in 
the  Spanish  army,  a  man  of  large  wealth  and  liberal 
education,  who  had  gained  much  distinction  in  previous 
expeditions  against  the  Apaches  and  other  hostile 
Indians.  They  descended  the  Red  River  233  leagues, 
held  councils  there  with  the  Chief  of  the  Tetaus,  and 
afterwards  struck  off  north-east  to  the  Arkansas  River, 
and  thence  to  the  Pawnee  nation,  where  they  held  a 
grand  council,  presented  Spanish  flags  and  medals,  and 
also  a  commission  to  Characterish,  the  head  chief,  from 
the  Governor  of  New  Mexico  (dated  Santa  Fe,  June  15, 
1806),  and  finally  returned  to  Santa  Fe  in  October. 
When  the  distance  travelled  and  the  country  and  tribes 
passed  through  are  considered,  this  expedition  rivals 
those  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  and  Pike,  for  its  extent,  diffi- 
culty, and  importance. 

After  leaving  the  Pawnee  capital,  Lieutenant  Pike 
proceeded  westerly  between  the  Arkansas  and  the  Kansas 
rivers,  (always  called  in  his  narrative  "  Arkansaw  "  and 
"Kans"),  seeing  many  prairie-dogs,  which  he  calls 
Wishtonwishes  from  the  sound  of  their  cry,  and  of  which 
he  tells  us  almost  the  exact  story  afterwards  repeated  by 
Horace  Greeley  with  a  slight  variation,,  of  their  living 
in  the  same  hole  with  a  rattlesnake,  a  horned  frog,  and 
a  land  tortoise.  On  the  28th  of  October,  in  accordance 
with  instructions,  he  detached  Lieutenant  Wilkinson 
with  five  soldiers  to  make  the  trip  down  the  Arkansas 
River  in  canoes,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  its  whole 
course  to  the  Mississippi.  On  the  15th  of  November  he 
came  in  sight  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  soon  after 
encountered  almost  constant  snows,  suffering  great  hard- 
ships— as  the  company  had  only  summer  cotton  clothes — 
and  on  the  3d  of  December  reached  and  calculated  the 
altitude  of  the  great  mountain  which  bears  his  name 


LIEUTENANT    PIKE.  249 

to  those  who  otherwise  might  never  have  heard  of  this 
intrepid  explorer — "  Pike's  Peak."  He  mentions  it  as 
known  to  all  the  savage  nations  for  hundreds  of  miles 
around,  and  spoken  of  with  admiration  by  the  Span- 
iards, being  the  bounds  of  their  travels  to  the  north- 
ward. Pike's  measurement  made  it  10,581  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  prairie,  which  he  estimated  at  8,000  feet, 
thus  making  the  total  elevation  18,581,  whereas  the 
latest  estimates  make  it  only  14,147 ;  and  he  says  that 
in  all  the  wanderings  of  the  party  for  over  two  months, 
from  November  14th  to  January  27th,  it  was  never  out 
of  their  sight. 

The  hardships  endured  during  this  period  are  almost 
beyond  description ;  the  feet  of  the  men  became  frosted 
so  that  they  could  only  proceed  with  the  utmost  pain, 
and  finally  several  had  to  be  left  in  sheltered  localities, 
and  supplied  with  food  from  time  to  time  by  the  re- 
mainder. The  party  subsisted  entirely  on  the  product 
of  the  chase,  and  sometimes  for  as  long  as  three  full 
days  were  without  a  mouthful  to  eat.  In  December  the 
expedition  determined  to  leave  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas 
and  proceed  southerly,  to  strike  the  head-waters  of  the 
Red  River,  which  they  expected  to  find  at  that  point. 
Soon  after  they  met  a  stream  which  they  followed  east- 
ward slowly,  on  account  of  their  wretched  physical  con- 
dition, and  the  necessity  of  stopping  daily  to  hunt ;  but 
imagine  their  feelings,  almost  of  despair,  when  on 
January  5th  they  found  that  they  had  thus  been  led 
back  to  the  Arkansas,  and  were  at  the  camp  which  they 
had  occupied  nearly  a  month  before !  Again  they 
started  southerly,  in  search  of  the  Red  River,  determin- 
ing to  cross  the  mountains  before  them  on  foot ;  each  of 
the  party,  including  the  commander  himself  and  Dr. 
Robinson,  carrying  forty-five  pounds  of  baggage,  besides 
provisions  and  arms,  making  an  aggregate  of  seventy 
pounds  burden.  At  length,  on  the  30th  of  January,  they 
arrived  in  the  evening  on  the  banks  of  a  stream  of  some 


250  LIEUTENANT    PIKE. 

magnitude,  which  they  believed  to  be  the  long-looked- 
for  Red  River.  Here  they  concluded  to  build  a  kind  of 
stockade,  where  four  or  five  might  defend  themselves 
while  the  others  went  back  to  carry  assistance  to  the 
poor  fellows  who  had  necessarily  been  left  at  various 
points,  on  account  of  inability  to  travel ;  the  intention 
being,  when  all  should  be  assembled,  to  proceed  in 
canoes  or  on  rafts  down  the  Red  River  to  Natchitoches, 
then  the  most  westerly  U.  S.  post  in  southern  Louisiana. 
At  this  point  Dr.  Robinson,  who  had  business  in  New 
Mexico,  left  the  party  in  order  to  proceed  to  Santa  Fe, 
which  they  calculated  was  then  nearer  than  it  would  be 
from  any  other  point. 

While  most  of  the  men  were  absent,  in  search  of  those 
left  behind,  and  the  remainder  were  at  work  building 
the  fort,  Pike  himself  usually  employed  himself  in 
hunting;  and  on  February  15th,  while  thus  occupied 
with  a  single  soldier,  he  discovered  two  horsemen  near 
the  summit  of  a  hill,  but  half  a  mile  distant.  After 
much  parleying  they  were  induced  to  come  to  the  camp, 
and  proved  to  be  a  Spanish  dragoon  and  a  civilized 
Indian,  both  well  armed.  They  reported  that  Robinson 
had  arrived  in  Santa  Fe,  and  been  received  with  great 
kindness  by  the  Governor.  They  seemed  surprised  at 
the  appearance  of  the  fort,  but  Pike  informed  them  of 
his  intention  of  going  down  the  river  to  Natchitoches 
as  soon  as  his  party  was  prepared ;  and  at  the  same  time 
saidl  that  if  the  Governor  of  New  Mexico  would  send  an 
officer  with  an  interpreter,  it  would  be  a  pleasure  to 
satisfy  any  doubts  he  might  have  as  to  the  intentions  of 
this  American  party  in  being  so  near  his  borders.  The 
two  visitors  stated  that  they  could  reach  Santa  Fe  in 
two  days  (which  was  not  true),  but  never  intimated  that 
Pike  was  wrong  in  supposing  himself  on  the  banks  of 
<ihe  Red  River.  The  building  of  the  fort  continued,  and 
gradually  the  frozen  men  who  had  been  left  behind  were 
brought  in — with  the  exception  of  two  still  unable  to 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  251 

walk.  Of  them  Pike  says,  "they  sent  me  some  of  the 
bones  taken  out  of  their  feet,  and  conjured  me  by  all 
that  was  sacred  not  to  leave  them  to  perish  far  from  the 
civilized  world." 

On  the  26th  of  February  the  report  of  the  guard's 
gun  announced  the  appearance  of  strangers,  and  soon 
after  two  Frenchmen  arrived.  These  informed  Pike 
that  Governor  Alencaster,  of  New  Mexico,  had  heard 
that  the  Ute  Indians  were  about  to  attack  the  little  ex- 
pedition, and  therefore  had  sent  an  officer  with  fifty 
dragoons  to  protect  them.  Scarcely  had  this  notifica- 
tion been  received,  when  the  Spanish  party  came  in 
sight,  consisting  not  only  of  the  fifty  dragoons  but  also 
fifty  mounted  militia  of  the  province.  Pike  seat  the 
Frenchman  to  arrange  a  meeting  between  himself  and 
the  commander  of  the  troops,  and  then  sallied  forth  to 
hold  the  interview  on  the  prairie  near  the  fort.  The 
officers  in  command  of  the  Spanish  expedition  were  Don 
Ygnacio  Saltelo  and  Don  Bartolome"  Fernandez,  both 
lieutenants.  After  some  conversation,  Pike  invited 
them  to  enter  his  fortification  and  they  breakfasted  to- 
gether, after  which  the  Spanish  officers  said  that  the 
Governor,  having  learned  that  Pike's  party  had  lost  its 
route,  had  sent  them  to  offer  all  necessary  assistance  to 
reach  the  Red  River,  the  nearest  navigable  point  of 
which  was  eight  days' journey  from  Santa  Fe.  "  What," 
said  Pike,  interrupting  him, "  is  not  this  the  Red  River  ?  " 
Imagine  his  amazement  at  the  answer  "  No,  sir !  it  is 
the  Rio  del  Norte."  These  words  showed  that  he  had 
unwittingly  passed  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States, 
and  actually  erected  a  fort  on  Spanish  soil,  within  the 
borders  of  New  Mexico.  His  first  act,  on  receiving  this 
astonishing  information,  was  to  order  his  men  to  take 
down  the  American  flag,  which  had  been  hoisted  over 
the  works.  The  Spanish  commander  then  said  that  the 
Governor  was  anxious  to  see  them  at  Santa  Fe  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  had  provided  100  horses  and  mules  to 


252  LIEUTENANT   PIKE. 

take  the  party  and  their  baggage  to  the  capital.  Pike 
at  first  refused  to  go  until  the  detachment  which  he  had 
sent  under  a  sergeant  to  bring  in  the  two  men  still  ab- 
sent had  returned ;  but  it  was  finally  arranged  that  he 
should  proceed  with  one  of  the  lieutenants  and  half 
the  Spanish  force,  leaving  two  men  to  meet  the  ser- 
geant's party  on  their  return,  to  inform  them  of  the 
changed  aspect  of  affairs.  Pike  in  telling  of  this  event 
expresses  the  reluctance  with  which  he  abandoned  the 
fort  built  with  so  much  labor,  and  which  was  admirably 
situated  for  defense ;  but  finding  that  he  had  really, 
though  unintentionally,  trespassed  on  Spanish  territory, 
and  being  confident  that  the  officers  sent  had  orders  to 
bring  him  and  his  men  to  Santa  Fe  by  force,  if  necessary, 
he  thought  it  best  to  show  an  entire  willingness  to  make 
an  explanation  to  the  Governor,  rather  than  appear  to 
go  under  constraint. 

Much  discussion  has  taken  place  as  to  the  exact  lo- 
cality of  Pike's  Fort;  but  by  a  careful  reading  of  his 
narrative  it  can  be  determined  almost  to  a  certainty. 
He  first  saw  the  Rio  Grande  from  the  top  of  a  high  hill, 
two  days  after  his  party  struck  a  small  river  running 
west,  which  they  hailed  as  a  tributary  to  the  Red  River, 
and  followed  through  what  would  now  be  called  a  caNon, 
along  the  foot  of  the  White  Mountains  (Sierra  Blanca). 
A  glance  at  a  modern  map  will  show  that  the  small 
river  was  the  Sangre  de  Cristo;  and  the  point  from 
which  the  Rio  Grande  was  first  seen,  near  the  site  of 
Fort  Garland.  After  reaching  the  Rio  Grande  they  de- 
scended eighteen  miles,  where  they  found  a  large  western 
branch  emptying  into  the  main  stream.  This  must  have 
been  the  present  Conejos  River.  Five  miles  up  this  river, 
on  the  north  bank,  and  with  the  water  itself  forming 
the  defense  on  one  side,  was  where  he  built  his  fortj 
which  was  so  ingeniously  constructed  that  it  could  only 
be  entered  by  creeping  through  a  hole,  after  passing  a 
draw-bridge  over  the  ditch.  The  description  which 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  253 

Lieutenant  Pike  gives  of  the  surrounding  country  is  just 
such  a  burst  of  enthusiasm  as  we  might  expect  from 
the  first  writer  who  ever  attempted  to  tell  the  loveliness 
of  the  San  Luis  Park.  "  From  a  high  hill  south  of  our 
camp,"  he  says,  "  we  had  a  view  of  all  the  prairie  and 
rivers  to  the  north  of  us;  it  was  at  the  same  time  one 
of  the  most  sublime  and  beautiful  inland  prospects  ever 
presented  to  the  eyes  of  man.  The  prairie,  lying  nearly 
north  and  south,  was  probably  sixty  miles  by  forty-five. 
The  main  river,  bursting  out  of  the  western  mountain 
and  meeting  from  the  north-east  a  large  branch  which 
divides  the  chain  of  mountains,  proceeds  down  the 
prairie,  making  many  large  and  beautiful  islands — one 
of  which  I  judge  contains  100,000  acres  of  land,  all 
meadow- ground,  covered  with  innumerable  herds  of 
deer.  In  short,  this  view  combined  the  sublime  and 
beautiful.  The  great  and  lofty  mountains,  covered  with 
eternal  snows,  seemed  to  surround  the  luxuriant  vale, 
crowned  with  perennial  flowers  like  a  terrestrial  para- 
dise shut  out  from  the  view  of  man." 

The  description  of  the  journey  to  Santa  Fe  shows 
the  above  to  be  the  correct  location  of  the  fort.  The 
first  town  of  importance  which  they  saw,  was  after  a 
march  of  a  little  more  than  100  miles,  being  the  village 
of  Warm  Spring,  or  "  L'  Eau  Chaud,"  as  Pike  calls  it,  or, 
as  now  known,  Ojo  Caliente.  Here  he  found  the  first 
real  Mexican  houses  which  he  had  seen,  and  describes 
at  some  length  the  flat  roofs,  water-spouts,  narrow  doors, 
and  small  windows — some  with  mica  lights.  The  springs 
he  describes  as  two  in  number,  about  ten  yards  apart, 
each  affording  water  enough  for  a  mill,  and  the  temper- 
ature of  the  water  as  more  than  thirty-three  degrees 
above  blood-heat.  The  next  day  they  marched  down 
Ojo  Caliente  River  to  its  junction  with  the  Chama 
(which  he  calls  Conejos),  observing  on  the  way  the  well- 
known  ruins  of  ancient  pueblo  towns,  as  well  as  several 
little  inhabited  villages,  all  of  which  had  round  towers 


254  LIEUTENANT   PIKE. 

to  defend  the  inhabitants  from  Indian  incursions. 
Here  they  first  experienced  the  characteristic  hospi- 
tality of  the  Mexican  people;  who  invited  them  into 
their  houses,  dressed  the  feet  of  the  lads  who  had  been 
frozen — and  in  short,  to  use  the  language  of  Pike, 
"  brought  to  my  recollection  the  hospitality  of  the  an- 
cient patriarchs,  and  caused  me  to  sigh  with  regret  at 
the  corruption  of  that  noble  principle  by  the  polish  of 
modern  ages." 

The  same  day  they  continued  down  the  Chama  to 
the  Rio  Grande  and  across  to  "  the  village  of  St.  John's  " 
(Pueblo  of  San  Juan),  which  he  says  was  the  residence 
of  the  President  Priest  of  the  province,  who  had  re- 
sided in  it  forty  years.  The  house-tops  were  crowded 
when  the  party  entered,  just  as  they  would  be  on  a 
similar  occasion  to-day ;  and  all  the  officers  and  men 
were  hospitably  treated.  The  next  morning  they 
marched  after  breakfast,  and  in  about  six  miles  came  to 
a  village  of  2,000  souls,  and  in  seven  miles  further  to  a 
small  town  of  500  inhabitants.  These  places  are  not 
named  by  the  narrator,  but  must  be  Santa  Cruz  and 
San  Yldefonso.  Seventeen  miles  further  on  they  came 
to  a  Pueblo  town  (the  Pueblos  are  always  distinguished 
by  Pike  as  "  civilized  Indians  ")  containing  400  people. 
While  the  estimate  of  population  is  a  good  deal  ex- 
aggerated, this  is  evidently  Tesuque.  Here  they 
changed  horses  and  prepared  for  their  entry  into  the 
capitol  and  appearance  before  the  Governor.  The  con- 
dition of  Pike's  party  as  to  clothing  was  so  lamentable 
as  to  be  almost  ludicrous.  When  they  left  their  horses 
on  the  Arkansas,  and  commenced  carrying  everything 
on  their  backs,  all  articles  were  abandoned  that  were 
not  essential  to  safety.  Ammunition,  tools,  leather,  etc., 
claimed  the  first  places ;  the  ornamental  was  a  minor 
consideration.  So  on  arriving  at  Santa  Fe  the  com- 
mander was  dressed  in  blue  trousers,  moccasins  (mock- 
insons)  blanket,  coat,  and  a  cap  made  of  scarlet  cloth 


LIEUTENANT    PIKE.  255 

lined  with  fur  skin;  and  the  men,  in  leggings,  breech- 
cloths,  and  leather  coats — and  not  a  hat  in  the  whole 
company.  In  such  garb  they  did  not  make  a  very  im- 
posing appearance. 

They  had  left  the  fort  on  the  Conejos,  February  26th, 
and  arrived  at  Santa  Fe  on  the  evening  of  Tuesday, 
March  3rd.  Pike  describes  the  length  of  the  city  on  the 
creek  as  about  a  mile,  and  that  it  was  about  three 
streets  in  width.  "Its  appearance  from  a  distance 
struck  my  mind  with  the  same  effect  as  a  fleet  of  the 
flat-boats  which  are  seen  in  the  spring  and  fall  seasons 
descending  the  Ohio.  On  the  north  side  of  the  town  is 
the  square  of  soldiers'  houses.  The  public  square  is  in  the 
center  of  the  town,  on  the  north  side  of  which  is  situ- 
ated the  palace  or  government  house,  with  the  quarters 
for  the  guards,  etc.  The  other  side  of  the  square  is  oc- 
cupied by  the  clergy  and  public  offices.  In  general 
the  houses  have  a  shed  before  the  front,  some  of  which 
have  a  flooring  of  brick;  the  consequence  is  that  the 
streets  are  very  narrow,  say  in  general  25  feet.  The 
supposed  population  is  4,500."  In  another  description 
of  Santa  Fe,  which  Captain  Pike  included  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  his  report,  he  gives  a  fuller  description  of  the 
place  and  its  surroundings,  as  follows :  "  In  the  center 
is  the  public  square,  one  side  of  which  forms  the  flank 
of  the  soldiers'  square,  which  is  closed  and  in  some  degree 
defended  by  round  towers  in  the  angles  which  flank  the 
four  curtains ;  another  side  of  the  square  is  formed  by 
the  palace  of  the  Governor,  his  guard-houses,  etc.  The 
third  side  is  occupied  by  the  priests  and  their  suite, 
and  the  fourth  by  the  chapetones  who  reside  in  the 
city." 

On  entering  the  city,  Lieutenant  Pike  was  conducted 
to  the  palace,  where  he  says,  "  we  were  ushered  in 
through  various  rooms,  the  floors  of  which  were  cov- 
ered with  skins  of  buffalo,  bear,  or  some  other  animal. 
We  waited  in  a  chamber  for  some  time  until  his  Excel- 


256  LIEUTENANT    PIKE. 

lency  appeared,  wnen  we  arose,  and  the  following  con- 
versation took  place  in  French, — 

Gov.     Do  you  speak  French  ? 

Pike.     Yes,  sir. 

Gov.     You  come  to  reconnoitre  our  country,  do  you  ? 

Pike.     I  marched  to  reconnoitre  our  own. 

Gov.     In  what  character  are  you  ? 

Pike.  In  my  proper  character,  an  officer  of  the 
United  States  Army. 

Gov.     How  many  men  have  you  ? 

Pike.     Fifteen. 

Gov.     When  did  you  leave  St.  Louis  ? 

Pike.     15th  of  July. 

Gov.     I  think  you  marched  in  June. 

Pike.     No,  sir. 

Gov.  Well,  return  with  Mr.  Bartholomew  to  his 
house,  and  come  here  again  at  seven  o'clock,  and  bring 
your  papers. 

"  At  the  hour  appointed  we  returned,  when  the  Gov- 
ernor demanded  my  papers.  I  told  him  I  understood 
my  trunk  was  taken  possession  of  by  his  guard.  He  ex- 
pressed his  surprise,  and  immediately  ordered  it  in;  and 
also  sent  for  one  Solomon  Colly,  formerly  a  sergeant  in 
our  army,  and  one  of  the  unfortunate  company  of  Nolan. 
We  were  seated,  when  he  ordered  Colly  to  demand  my 
name,  to  which  I  replied ;  he  then  demanded  in  what 
province  I  was  born.  I  answered  in  English,  and  then 
addressed  his  Excellency  in  French,  and  told  him 
that  I  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  enter  into  such  a 
catechising  ;  that  if  he  would  be  at  the  pains  of  reading 
my  commission  from  the  United  States,  and  my  orders 
from  my  General,  it  would  be  all  that  I  presumed  would 
be  necessary  to  convince  his  Excellency  that  I  came 
with  no  hostile  intentions  towards  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment ;  on  the  contrary,  that  I  had  express  instructions 
to  guard  against  giving  them  offense  or  alarm,  and  that 
his  Excellency  would  be  convinced  that  myself  and 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  257 

party  were  rather  to  be  considered  objects  on  which  the 
so  much  celebrated  generosity  of  the  Spanish  nation 
might  be  exercised,  than  proper  subjects  to  occasion  the 
opposite  sentiments."  He  then  requested  to  see  my 
commission  and  orders,  which  I  read  to  him  in  French; 
on  which  he  got  up  and  gave  me  his  hand  for  the  first 
time,  and  said  he  was  happy  to  be  acquainted  with  me 
as  a  man  of  honor  and  a  gentleman,  that  I  could  retire 
this  evening  and  take  my  trunk  with  me ;  that  on  the 
morrow 'he  would  make  further  arrangements. 

The  next  day,  after  examining  the  contents  of  Pike's 
trunk,  the  Governor  informed  him  that  he  must  go 
with  his  men  to  Chihuahua,  in  the  then  province  of 
Biscay,  to  appear  before  the  Commandant-General.  The 
following  conversation  then  ensued,  which  Pike  has 
preserved  in  full  in  his  journal, — 

Pike.  If  we  go  to  Chihuahua,  we  must  be  con- 
sidered as  prisoners  of  war. 

Gov.     By  no  means. 

Pike.  You  have  already  disarmed  my  men  without 
my  knowledge ;  are  their  arms  to  be  returned,  or  not  ? 

Gov.     They  can  receive  them  at  any  moment. 

Pike.  But,  sir,  I  cannot  consent  to  be  led  300  or 
400  leagues  out  of  my  route  without  its  being  by  force 
of  arms. 

Gov.  I  know  you  do  not  go  voluntarily,  but  I  will 
give  you  a  certificate  from  under  my  hand  of  my  having 
obliged  you  to  march. 

Pike.     I  will  address  you  a  letter  on  the  subject. 

Gov.  You  will  dine  with  me  to-day,  and  march 
afterwards  to  a  village  about  six  miles  distant,  escorted 
by  Captain  Antony  D'Almansa,  with  a  detachment  of 
dragoons,  who  will  accompany  you  to  where  the  re- 
mainder of  your  escort  is  now  waiting  for  you,  under 
the  command  of  the  officer  who  commanded  the  expedi- 
tion to  the  Pawnees." 

After  the  dinner — which  Captain  Pike  characterizes 


458  LIEUTENANT   PIKE. 

as  "  rather  splendid,"  having  a  variety  of  dishes,  and 
wines  of  the  southern  provinces — the  Governor  drove 
Pike,  D'Almansa,  and  a  Mr.  Bartholomew,  who  had 
proved  a  special  friend  to  the  Americans,  three  miles  on 
the  road  to  the  south,  the  coach  being  attended  by  a 
guard  of  cavalry  •  and  on  parting  said  to  his  prisoner- 
guest  :  "  Remember  Alencaster  in  peace  or  war." 

Accompanied  by  his  friend  Bartholomew  and  the 
guard,  Pike  continued  on  through  a  blinding  sand,  and 
passed  the  night  at  the  priest's  house,  at  what  appar- 
ently was  the  present  village  of  La  Bajada  ;  as  he  says 
that  they  "  came  to  a  precipice  which  we  descended, 
meeting  with  great  difficulty  from  the  obscurity  of  the 
night."  Shortly  after  noon  of  the  next  day  they  arrived 
at  the  Pueblo  of  Santo  Domingo,  which  they  describe 
as  "  a  large  village — the  population  being  about  1,000 
natives,  governed  by  its  own  chief."  The  insignia  of 
the  Governor  appears  to  have  been  nearly  the  same  then 
as  at  present,  as  it  is  stated  that  he  was  distinguished 
by  "  a  cane  with  a  silver  head  and  black  tassel."  Pike 
visited  the  old  church,  and  speaks  enthusiastically  of  its 
rich  paintings  and  the  image  of  the  Saint,  a  as  large  as 
life — elegantly  ornamented  with  gold  and  silver." 

On  Friday,  March  6th,  they  arrived  at  San  Felipe, 
where  they  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  on  a  bridge  of  eight 
arches,  which  seems  to  have  attracted  Pike's  attention 
specially,  as  he  gives  a  full  description  of  its  construc- 
tion. Here  they  stopped  at  the  house  of  the  padre, 
Father  Rubi,  whose  hospitality  and  extended  informa- 
tion made  the  stay  a  pleasant  one.  At  Albuquerque 
they  were  similarly  entertained  by  Father  Ambrosio 
Guerra,  and  Pike  seems  to  have  been  particularly  im- 
pressed with  the  beauty  of  some  of  the  orphan  girls, 
whom  the  good  padre  had  adopted,  and  was  bringing  up 
in  his  household  ;  and  enthusiastically  writes,  after  de- 
scribing the  dinner,  "  and  to  crown  all,  we  were  waited 
on  by  half  a  dozen  of  those  beautiful  girls,  who,  like 


LIEUTENANT    PIKE.  259 

Hebe  at  the  feast  of  the  gods,  converted  our  wine  to 
nectar,  and  with  their  ambrosial  breath  shed  incense  on 
our  cups." 

A  short  distance  further  south  Pike  was  rejoiced  to 
meet  Dr.  Robinson,  who  had  left  the  party,  it  will  be 
recollected, while  they  still  believed  they  were  on  the  Red 
River,  to  find  his  way  to  Santa  Fe.  He  had  received  much 
the  same  treatment  as  Lieuten't  Pike's  command,and  was 
being  conveyed  to  Chihuahua  by  Don  Facundo  Melgares, 
who  was  now  also  to  assume  command  of  the  guard  that 
was  conducting  Pike.  This  Melgares  was  the  same  who 
had  commanded  the  Spanish  Pawnee  expedition,  and 
was  described  by  Robinson  to  Pike  in  the  highest  terms 
as  a  gentleman  and  soldier  of  gallantry  and  honor, 
praise  in  which  Pike  himself  heartily  joined  after  a 
brief  acquaintance. 

After  passing  towns  which  the  Lieutenant  calls 
Tousac,  St.  Fernandez,  Sabinez,  and  Xaxales,the  expedi- 
tion reached  Cebolleta,  spelled  by  Pike  "  Sibilleta," 
which  he  calls  the  neatest  and  most  symmetrical  village 
he  had  seen,  being  built  in  a  regular  square,  with  an  un- 
broken wall  on  the  outside,  all  the  doors  and  windows 
facing  the  square.  At  this  point,  at  that  time,  the  semi- 
annual caravan  for  the  south  was  formed,  leaving  in  the 
month  of  February  for  El  Paso,  and  returning  in  March  ; 
and  making  a  similar  expedition  in  the  fall.  The  spring 
caravan  which  Pike  saw  consisted  of  about  300  men,  es- 
corted by  an  officer  and  35  or  40  troops,  and  was  con- 
ducting 15,000  sheep,  which  had  been  collected  from 
various  parts  of  New  Mexico,  and  were  to  be  sold  or 
exchanged  for  merchandise. 

On  the  21st  of  March  the  whole  party  arrived  at  El 
Paso,  and  Pike,  with  the  officers,  stayed  at  the  house  of 
Don  Francisco  Garcia,  a  wealthy  merchant  and  planter, 
possessing  20,000  sheep  and  1,000  cows. 

On  April  2d  they  reached  Chihuahua,  and  Pike  im- 
mediately had  an  audience  with  the  General  Com- 


260  LIEUTENANT    PIKE. 

manding,  Don  Nemecio  Salcedo,  who  took  his  papers 
for  examination,  and  also  requested  him  to  write  a  brief 
sketch  of  his  travels  and  adventures  on  this  expedition, 
which  he  shortly  after  did. 

After  being  detained  for  some  time,  which  however 
was  spent  quite  pleasantly,  owing  to  the  hospitality  of 
many  of  the  leading  citizens,  Pike  and  Robinson  were 
sent  by  a  route  nearly  directly  eastward,  toward  Natch- 
itoches,  which  was  the  nearest  United  States  post.  On 
June  7th  they  arrived  at  San  Antonio,  where  they  were 
very  hospitably  treated  by  Governor  Cordero,  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  and  Governor  Herrera,  of  the  Kingdom 
of  New  Leon,  who  treated  them,  in  the  language  of  Pikey 
"  like  their  children." 

Captain  Pike  speaks  in  the  most  exalted  terms  of 
both  of  these  gentlemen,  and  relates  the  following  anec- 
dote as  evidence  of  the  extreme  popularity  of  the  latter  : 
"  When  his  last  term  as  Governor  expired,  he  repaired 
immediately  to  Mexico  attended  by  three  hundred  of  the 
most  respectable  people  of  his  government,  who  carried 
with  them  the  sighs,  tears,  and  prayers  of  thousands 
that  he  might  be  continued  in  that  government.  The 
Viceroy  thought  proper  to  accord  to  their  wishes  pro 
tempore,  and  the  King  has  since  confirmed  his  nomination . 
When  I  saw  him,  he  had  been  about  one  year  absent, 
during  which  time  the  citizens  of  rank  in  Mont  Elrey 
had  not  suffered  a  marriage  or  baptism  to  take  place  in 
any  of  their  families,  until  their  common  father  could 
be  there  to  give  joy  to  the  occasion  by  his  presence." 

At  length,  on  the  1st  of  July,  1807 — but  three  weeks 
short  of  a  year  from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  St. 
Louis — after  crossing  the  whole  of  what  is  now  the  State 
of  Texas,  late  in  the  afternoon,  but  so  eager  to  arrive 
that  they  left  their  jaded  horses  and  pressed  forward  on 
foot,  Pike  entered  the  town  of  Natchitoches  with  Dr. 
Robinson.  "  Language,"  says  he,  "  cannot  express  the 
gaiety  of  my  heart  when  I  once  more  beheld  the  stand- 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  261 

ard  of  my  country  waved  aloft.  'All  hail/  cried  I,  *  the 
ever  sacred  name  of  country,  in  which  is  embraced  that 
of  kindred,  friends,  and  every  other  tie  which  is  dear  to 
the  soul  of  man  ! '  : 

It  will  be  interesting  to  make  a  few  extracts  from  the 
description  which  Captain  Pike  gave  of  New  Mexico  in 
the  "  Observations  "  which  form  part  of  the  appendix  to 
the  history  of  his  expedition ;  as  showing  the  condition 
of  the  country  at  that  period,  in  several  respects  in 
which  time  has  wrought  changes,  and  in  other  instances 
illustrating  the.  characteristics  which  are  still  distin- 
guishing marks  of  the  Territory  and  its  people, — 

MINES,  ETC. — "  There  are  no  mines  known  in  the 
province,  except  one  of  copper,  situated  in  a  mountain 
on  the  west  side  of  Rio  del  Norte,  in  latitude  34°  north. 
It  is  worked,  and  produces  twenty  thousand  mule-loads 
of  copper  annually.  It  also  furnishes  that  article  for 
the  manufactories  of  nearly  all  the  internal  provinces. 
It  contains  gold,  but  not  quite  sufficient  to  pay  for  its 
extraction  ;  consequently  it  has  not  been  pursued." 

The  above  extract  sounds  strangely  at  this  day,  when 
gold  and  silver  are  considered  the  chief  resources  of  the 
Territory  •  and  it  is  also  singular  as  showing  how  little 
knowledge  or  recollection  there  could  have  been  in  the 
community  of  the  operations  of  the  early  conquerors, 
which  had  ceased  a  century  and  a  quarter  before.  It  is 
not  easy  to  fix  the  identity  of  the  copper  mine  referred 
to,  but  latitude  34°  is  just  below  Socorro,  ahd  so  the  mine 
may  have  been  in  the  Magdalena  Range ;  although  it 
is  possible  that  the  latitude  given  is  incorrect,  and  that 
the  mine  referred  to  was  the  "  Santa  Rita,"  then  being 
actively  worked.  This  extract  may  be  read  in  connec- 
tion with  one  soon  to  be  given  on  trade  and  commerce, 
in  which  "wrought  copper  vessels"  appear  among  the 
exports,  and  "  gold  and  silver  "  among  the  imports. 

MINERALS. — "  There  is,  near  Santa  Fe,  in  some  of  the 
mountains,  a  stratum  of  talc,  which  is  so  large  and  flex- 


262  LIEUTENANT  PIKE. 

ible  as  to  render  it  capable  of  being  subdivided  into  thin 
flakes,  of  which  the  greater  proportion  of  the  houses  in 
Santa  Fe,  and  all  the  villages  to  the  north,  have  their 
window-lights  made." 

These  mica  mines,  especially  at  Petaca  and  in  the 
vicinity  of  Mora  (where  one  of  the  villages  is  called 
Talco),  are  well  known  at  present.  As  late  as  the  time 
of  the  American  occupation,  in  1846,  we  are  told  that  no 
house  in  Santa  F£,  except  the  Palace,  had  windows  of 
glass. 

TRADE  AND  COMMERCE. — "  New  Mexico  carries  on  a 
trade  direct  with  Mexico  through  Biscay  (Chihuahua) , 
also  with  Sonora  and  Sinaloa ;  it  sends  out  about  30,000 
sheep  annually,  tobacco,  dressed  deer  and  cabrie  skins, 
some  fur,  buffalo-robes,  salt,  and  wrought  copper  vessels 
of  a  superior  quality.  It  receives  in  return  from  Biscay 
and  Mexico,  dry-goods,  confectionery,  arms,  iron,  steel, 
ammunition,  and  some  choice  European  wines  and 
liquors  ;  and  from  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  gold,  silver,  and 
cheese.  The  following  articles  sell  as  stated  (in  this 
province),  which  will  show  the  cheapness  of  provisions 
and  the  extreme  dearness  of  imported  goods  : — 

Flour  sells  per  hundred  at $  2  00 

SaJt  per  inule-load t 5  00 

Sheep  each 1  00 

Beeves  each 5  00 

Wine  del  Passo  per  barrel .. 15  00 

Horses  each „ 11  00 

Mules  each 30  00 

Superfine  cloths  per  yard 25  00 

Fine  cloths  per  yard c...     20  00 

Linen  per  yard 4  00 

and  all  other  dry-goods  in  proportion. 

"  The  journey  from  Santa  F6  to  Mexico  and  return- 
ing to  Santa  Fe  takes  five  months.  They  manufacture 
rough  leather,  segars,  a  vast  variety  and  quantity  of 
potters'  ware,  cotton,  some  coarse  woolen  cloths,  and 
blankets  of  a  superior  quality.  All  these  manufactures 
are  carried  on  by  the  civilized  Indians,  as  the  Spaniards 
think  it  more  honorable  to  be  agriculturists  than 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE.  263 

mechanics.  The  Indians  likewise  far  exceed  their  con-. 
querors  in  their  genius  for,  and  execution  of,  all  mechan- 
ical operations.  New  Mexico  has  the  exclusive  right 
of  cultivating  tobacco." 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  the  manufacture  of  pot- 
tery, the  evidences  of  which  are  found  in  great  quantities 
in  the  ruins  of  the  oldest  pueblos,  and  which  is  still  car- 
ried on  to  such  an  extent  by  the  Pueblo  Indians,  was 
never  intermitted  by  that  industrious  people.  The 
blankets  were  probably  the  forerunners  of  the  present 
celebrated  productions  of  the  Navajoes,  which  tribe  is 
mentioned  by  Pike  under  the  name  of  "  Nanahaws." 
Then,  as  now,  the  Apaches  were  the  most  troublesome 
of  the  natives,  as  the  "  Observations  "  say,  "The  Apaches 
are  a  nation  of  Indians  who  extend  from  the  Black 
Mountains  in  New  Mexico  to  the  frontiers  of  Cogquilla 
(Coahuila),  keeping  the  frontiers  of  these  provinces  in 
a  continual  state  of  alarm,  and  making  it  necessary  to 
employ  nearly  2,000  dragoons  to  escort  the  caravans, 
protect  the  villages,  and  revenge  the  attacks  they  are 
continually  making." 

GOVERNMENT  AND  LAWS.— "The  government  of  New 
Mexico  may  be  termed  military,  in  the  pure  sense  of 
the  word ;  for  although  they  have  their  alcaldes,  or  in- 
ferior officers,  their  judgments  are  subject  to  a  reversion 
by  the  military  commandants  of  districts.  The  whole 
male  population  are  subject  to  military  duty,  without 
pay  or  emolument,  and  are  obliged  to  find  their  own 
horses,  arms,  and  provisions.  The  only  thing  furnished 
by  the  government  is  ammunition,  and  it  is  extraor- 
dinary with  what  subordination  they  act  when  they  are 
turned  out  to  do  military  duty  ;  a  strong  proof  of  which 
was  exhibited  in  the  expedition  of  Melgares  to  the 
Pawnees.  His  command  consisted  of  100  dragoons  of 
the  regular  service  and  500  drafts  from  the  province. 
He  had  continued  down  the  Red  River  until  their  pro. 
visions  began  to  be  short ;  they  then  demanded  of  the 


264  LIEUTENANT    PIKE. 

lieutenant  where  he  was  bound  and  the  intention  of 
the  expedition.  To  this  he  haughtily  replied,  '  where- 
ever  his  horse  led  him.'  A  few  mornings  after,  he  was 
presented  with  a  petition,  signed  by  200  men  of  the 
militia,  to  return  home.  He  halted  immediately,  and 
caused  his  dragoons  to  erect  a  gallows;  then  beat  to 
arms;  the  troops  fell  in,  he  separated  the  petitioners 
from  the  others,  then  took  the  man  who  had  presented 
the  petition,  tied  him  up,  and  gave  him  fifty  lashes, 
and  threatened  to  put  to  death  on  the  gallows  erected 
any  man  who  should  dare  to  grumble.  This  effect- 
ually silenced  them  and  quelled  the  rising  spirit 
of  sedition,  but  it  was  remarked  that  it  was  the  first 
instance  of  a  Spaniard  receiving  corporal  Dunishment 
ever  known  in  the  province 

In  the  following  paragraph  Captain  Pike  pays  a 
warm  tribute  to  the  bravery  of  the  New  Mexicans,  and 
makes  a  richly  merited  recognition  of  that  generosity 
and  hospitality  for  which  they  are  everywhere  noted, 
and  which  the  lapse  of  three-quarters  of  a  century  has 
not  lessened,  but  which  form  as  noticeable  a  character- 
istic to-day  as  when  the  Captain  wrote  these  words  in 
1807. 

MANNERS,  ETC. — "There  is  nothing  peculiarly  charac- 
teristic in  this  province  that  will  not  be  embraced  in  my 
general  observations  on  New  Spain,  except  that  being 
frontier  and  cut  off,  as  it  were,  from  the  more  inhabited 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  together  with  their  continual 
wars  with  some  of  the  savage  nations  who  surround 
them,  render  them  the  bravest  and  most  hardy  sub- 
jects in  New  Spain  ;  being  generally  armed,  they  know 
the  use  of  them.  Their  want  of  gold  and  silver  renders 
them  laborious,  in  order  that  the  productions  of  their 
labor  may  be  the  means  of  establishing  the  equilibrium 
between  them  and  the  other  provinces  where  those 
metals  abound.  Their  isolated  and  remote  situation 
also  causes  them  to  exhibit  in  a  superior  degree  the 


LIEUTENANT   PIKE. 


265 


heaven  like  qualities  of  hospitality  and  kindness,  in 
which  they  appear  to  endeavor  to  fulfill  the  injunction 
of  the  scripture,  which  enjoins  us  to  feed  the  hungry, 
clothe  the  naked,  and  give  comfort  to  the  oppressed  in 
spirit;  and  I  shall  always  take  pleasure  in  expressing 
my  gratitude  for  their  noble  reception  of  myself  and  the 
men  under  my  command." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


THE   SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

npHOUGH  Mexico  was  settled  early  in  the  sixteenth 
JL  century,  and  the  Spaniards  soon  after  penetrated 
over  1,500  miles  to  the  north  and  occupied  the  valley  of 
the  Rio  Grande  as  far  as  Taos  and  the  Chama  in  north- 
ern New  Mexico,  and  another  colonization  from  En- 
gland and  France  had  populated  the  eastern  shores  of 
what  is  now  the  United  States  and  Canada  early  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  had  extended  westward  to  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  and  was  constantly  pushing  on  further 
into  the  wilderness  and  advancing  the  pioneer  line  of 
its  civilization  toward  the  setting  sun;  yet  strangely 
enough,  it  was  left  for  the  nineteenth  century,  in  which 
we  live,  to  see  any  communication  whatever  between 
these  two  populations,  situated  on  the  same  continent, 
yet  separated  by  mountains  and  rivers  and  by  the  great 
expanse  of  what  was  then  believed  to  be  desert  plain. 

The  French  and  Spaniards  had  successively  been  the 
rulers  of  the  vast  territory  extending  westward  from  the 
Mississippi  to  the  limits  of  Mexico  and  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific,  and  then  all  included  under  the  name  of 
Louisiana ;  yet  the  people  of  neither  of  those  nationali- 
ties had  displayed  the  enterprise  or  spirit  of  adventure 
requisite  for  an  attempt  to  cross  the  intervening  space 
be  ween  themselves  and  New  Mexico,  and  brave  the 
hostility  of  the  tribes  which  roamed  over  the  plains 
between. 

It  was  not  until  after  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana 
by  the  United  States  that  such  a  journey  was  accom- 
plished, or  even  attempted.  In  1803  President  Jefferson 
completed  the  negotiation  for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  267 

from  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  the  sovereignty  of  that 
vast  domain  was  transferred  from  the  French  to  the 
Americans.  The  chief  city  of  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
in  the  newly  acquired  territory,was  St.  Louis  ;  the  prin- 
cipal settlement  on  the  easterly  side  of  the  river,  within 
the  old  boundaries  of  the  United  States,  was  Kaskaskia. 
Each  of  these  places  claims  the  credit  of  sending  the 
first  adventurers  across  the  plains  to  meet  the  tide  of 
Spanish  colonization  coming  from  the  south,  at  Santa 
Fe ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  say  which  has  the  prior  right. 
In  both  cases,  however,  the  accomplishment  was  rather 
the  result  of  accident  than  intention. 

In  1804  Mr.  Morrison,  an  enterprising  merchant  of 
Kaskaskia,  sent  a  man  called  Baptiste  La  Lande,  whose 
name  shows  his  French  parentage,  but  who  was  born  in 
Louisiana,  to  the  head-waters  of  the  Missouri  and  Platte, 
and  furnished  him  with  goods  with  which  to  trade  with 
the  Indians.  Although  the  relative  geographical  posi- 
tion of  places  in  that  remote  section  was  not  well  under 
stood,  still  the  astute  Kaskaskia  merchant  directed  this 
La  Lande,  if  it  should  be  possible,  to  press  on  to  Santa 
Fe.  La  Lande  was  evidently  a  man  of  energy,  though 
we  cannot  admire  some  of  his  other  qualities  •  and  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  finally  in 
sending  in  some  Indians  to  the  Spanish  borders,  who 
gave  a  report  of  the  arrival  of  this  stranger  from  the  far 
and  almost  unknown  East.  A  party  of  Mexicans  on 
horseback  ventured  into  the  mountains  to  meet  him, 
and  conveyed  him  and  his  goods  into  some  of  the  north- 
ern settlements  near  Taos,  from  Where  he  travelled  on 
to  Santa  Fe,  selling  his  merchandise  as  he  went.  Pleased 
with  the  country,  in  which  he  obtained  far  higher  prices 
than  he  had  dreamed  of  elsewhere,  and  where  the  hos- 
pitable people  offered  him  land  and  other  inducements 
if  he  would  stay ;  and  captivated  by  some  of  the  bright- 
eyed  brunettes  of  the  city,  he  concluded  to  return  no 
more,  not  even  to  account  to  Mr.  Morrison  for  his  goods  ; 


268  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

and  so,  with  the  proceeds  thus  simply  obtained,  he  set 
tied  down  in  the  capital  of  the  province. 

Two  years  before  La  Lande  left  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi,  James  Pursley, an  enterprising  Kentuckian, 
who  was  by  turns  a  hunter,  trapper,  and  trader,  and  a 
fair  type  of  the  pioneers  of  those  early  days,  left  St 
Louis  on  a  hunting  expedition  to  the  head-waters  of 
the  Osage  River,  in  what  is  now  south-western  Missouri, 
with  two  companions ;  and  from  thence  with  their  pel- 
tries they  started  across  the  country  to  the  White  River, 
with  the  idea  of  descending  that  stream  and  the  Missis- 
sippi to  New  Orleans.  But  they  had  scarcely  set  out 
when  the  Kansas  Indians  stole  their  horses.  They 
started  in  pursuit  and  recognized  the  horses  at  the 
Indian  village,  but  could  not  regain  them.  Shortly  after, 
Pursley  saw  his  own  horse  carrying  a  burly  Indian 
outside  of  the  town,  going  to  a  little  stream  for  water. 
He  pursued  stealthily  and  killed  the  horse  at  the  river 
bank  ;  whereupon  the  Indian  rushed  back  to  his  wig- 
wam, brought  out  his  gun  and  attempted  to  shoot  the 
pioneer.  But  the  weapon  missed  fire,  and  Pursley,  turn- 
ing, chased  the  assailant  into  the  center  of  the  village, 
where  the  latter,  apparently  panic-stricken  at  the 
temerity  of  his  pursuer,  took  refuge  in  the  midst  of  the 
women  and  children,  while  the  other  Indians  were  so 
struck  with  admiration  that  they  restored  the  remain- 
ing horses. 

Concluding  to  return  to  St.  Louis,  Pursley  and  his 
companions  were  already  sailing  down  the  Missouri  in 
a  canoe,  when  they  ftiet  a  French  trader  bound  to  the 
Mandan  country;  and  Pursley,  always  ready  for  advent- 
ure, left  his  companions  and  the  prospect  of  home,  and 
turned  up  the  river  in  the  employ  of  the  Frenchman. 
The  next  spring  he  was  sent  with  some  goods  in  com- 
pany with  several  bands  of  Paducahs  and  Kyaways  on  a 
hunting  and  trading  tour  through  part  of  what  is  now 
Nebraska ;  but  the  party  was  driven  by  hostile  Sioux 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  269 

into  the  mountains  of  Colorado,  and  travelled  over  the 
head-waters  of  the  Platte  and  the  Arkansas — a  vast 
company  of  2;000  souls,  with  10,000  beasts  of  various 
kinds — until  they  reached  the  northern  border  of  New 
Mexico.  Wishing  to  ascertain  whether  the  Spaniards 
would  receive  them  in  a  friendly  way  and  enter  into 
trade,  the  Indians  sent  Pursley,  with  a  small  escort,  to 
Santa  Fe  as  a  kind  of  ambassador.  The  Governor  (Al- 
encaster)  acceded  to  the  request,  and  shortly  afterward 
the  whole  band  followed  its  advance-guard,  and  after 
some  time  spent  in  trading,  set  out  on  its  return  to  the 
North. 

But  Pursley,  tired  of  life  among  the  savages,  and  glad 
enough  again  to  be  in  the  midst  of  Europeans  and  their 
civilization,  which  he  had  feared  he  would  never  more 
enjoy,  concluded  to  remain  in  Santa  Fe.  He  arrived 
there  in  June,  1805 — over  three  years  after  his  departure 
from  St.  Louis— and  settled  down  to  the  pursuit  of  his 
trade  as  a  carpenter;  at  which,  we  are  told,  "  he  made  a 
great  deal  of  money,  except  when  working  for  the  offi- 
cers, who  paid  him  little  or  nothing."  Here  Pike  found 
him  in  1807,  and  had  the  celebrated  conversation  which 
has  given  to  Pursley  the  fame  not  only  of  being  the 
second  (if  not  the  first)  who  crossed  the  unknown  coun- 
try which  separated  the  United  States  from  Mexico,  but 
of  being  the  first  discoverer  of  the  gold  of  Colorado — 
more  than  half  a  century  before  the  discovery  which 
brought  so  many  thousands  to  Pike's  Peak  and  the 
canons  and  mountains  of  the  centennial  State.  "  He 
assured  me,"  says  Pike,  "  that  he  had  found  gold  on  the 
head  of  La  Platte,  and  had  carried  some  of  the  virgin 
mineral  in  his  shot-pouch  for  months;  but  that  being 
in  doubt  whether  he  should  ever  again  behold  the  civ- 
ilized world,  and  losing  in  his  mind  all  the  ideal  value 
which  mankind  have  stamped  on  that  metal,  he  threw 
the  sample  away;  that  he  had  imprudently  mentioned 
it  to  tne  Spaniards,  who  had  frequently  solicited  him  to 


270  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

go  and  show  a  detachment  of  cavalry  the  place,  but  that 
conceiving  it  to  be  in  United  States  territory,  he  had 
refused." 

How  different  would  have  been  the  history  of  this 
great  section  of  the  continent,  had  this  patriotic  pioneer 
pursued  a  different  course ;  and  the  mineral  wealth  of 
Colorado  been  poured  south  into  Mexico  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  century,  instead  of  waiting  for  fifty  years  for 
the  Anglo-Saxon  immigration  from  the  east  to  redis- 
cover and  profit  by  it ! 

These  two  adventurous  traders  may  be  called  the 
Fathers  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail,  although  the  route  which 
they  travelled  was  far  from  direct,  and  their  final  arrival 
in  New  Mexico  more  the  result  of  chance  than  of  any 
calculation.  The'  latter  at  any  rate  had  no  intention 
whatever  of  visiting  the  Spanish  dominion;  and  the 
little  that  was  known  of  the  relative  position  of  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  continent  is  strongly  illustrated  by 
the  fact  that  Lieutenant  Pike,  who  was  the  next  one  to 
arrive  at  Santa  Fe,  and  who  had  every  advantage  which 
instruments  and  the  best  maps  of  the  period  could  give, 
and  was  actively  engaged  in  an  official  exploring  ex- 
pedition at  the  time,  yet  supposed  himself  on  the  waters 
of  the  Red  River  when  he  was  really  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  had  not  only  crossed  the  boundary  and  trespassed 
on  Spanish  domain,  but  had  actually  built  a  fort  and 
raised  the  United  States  flag  on  that  foreign  soil.  His 
visit  to  Santa  Fe  in  1807  was  rather  involuntary  than 
otherwise,  yet  from  it  flowed  important  results ;  for  the 
descriptions  which  he  published  of  his  travels  on  his 
return  created  much  interest  and  some  excitement 
throughout  the  West,  and  many  of  the  adventurous 
sons  of  the  border  yearned  to  follow  the  path  which  led 
to  the  city  whose  very  isolation  gave  it  an  air  of  ro- 
mance. 

The  first  expedition,  however,  of  which  we  have  any 
record,  was  undertaken  in  1812  by  a  company  of  about 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  271 

a  dozen  enterprising  men  of  St.  Louis,  who  fitted  out  a 
party  under  command  of  Mr.  McKnight,  which  followed 
nearly  the  route  described  by  Captain  Pike.  They  ar- 
rived after  various  hardships,  in  safety,  at  Santa  Fe,  but 
only  to  encounter  unexpected  troubles.  Unfortunately, 
their  appearance  at  the  capital  was  exactly  at  the 
wrong  time.  The  attempted  revolution  under  Hidalgo 
had  just  been  put  down,  and  every  American  adventurer 
was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  as  a  probable  agent  of 
some  newly  projected  revolt.  McKnight  and  his  party 
found  themselves  arrested  as  spies,  their  merchandise, 
which  had  been  transported  with  so  much  labor  across 
the  plains,  seized  and  confiscated ;  and  they  were  them- 
selves soon  sent  to  follow  Pike  to  Chihuahua,  in  the 
prison  of  which  city  they  languished  in  rigorous  con- 
finement until  the  success  of  the  republican  movement 
under  Iturbide  brought  their  release. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  their  restoration  to 
liberty,  another  adventurous  spirit,  an  Ohio  merchant 
named  Glenn,  arrived  in  Santa  Fe  with  a  little  caravan, 
having  come  by  what  appears  still  to  have  been  the 
only  known  route — into  the  mountains  of  the  present 
Colorado,  and  thence  down  the  Rio  Grande.  From  this 
time  the  trips  across  the  plains  became  more  frequent. 
The  profits  made  on  American  goods  successfully  trans- 
ported were  immense,  because  the  only  other  route  by 
which  they  could  be  received  was  by  the  sea  to  Vera 
Cruz,  across  the  country  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  thence 
over  the  long  and  difficult  road  to  El  Paso,  and  finally 
by  the  semi-annual  caravans  up  the  Rio  Grande,and  cross- 
ing the  Jornada,  to  Santa  Fe.  As  an  illustration  of  the 
enormous  prices  which  such  a  long,  expensive,  and 
perilous  trip  occasioned,  we  are  told  that  common  cali- 
coes and  even  plain  domestic  cottons  sold  as  high  as 
$2.00  or  $3.00  per  yard,  on  the  plaza  of  the  Capital.  It 
is  not  strange  that  the  reports  of  such  profits  should 
have  stimulated  enterprise,  and  caused  the  adventurous 


272  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

merchant  to  esteem  the  Santa  Fe  market  as  better  than 
a  gold-field. 

In  the  same  year,  1812,  Captain  Becknell,  a  Mis- 
sourian,  who  had  made  an  expedition  from  Franklin  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  con- 
cluded to  seek  the  new  Mecca  of  merchants  to  the  south  ; 
and  found  at  Santa  Fe  a  far  better  market  than  among 
the  Comanches.  Returning  that  winter  with  the  fruits 
of  his  enterprise,and  glowing  accounts  of  the  country  he 
had  visited,  he  raised  a  company  of  thirty  friends,  and 
with  them  and  an  assortment  of  goods  which  cost  about 
$5,000,  and  was  the  largest  venture  of  the  kind  yet  made, 
started  across  the  plains.  Knowing  from  experience  that 
the  trail  by  the  mountains  of  Colorado  was  a  very  cir- 
cuitous one,  they  determined  to  try  a  more  direct  route, 
and  so  branched  off  from  the  Arkansas  River  at  the  point 
called  "  the  Caches,"  intending  to  march  directly  south- 
west to  Santa  Fe.  But  this  daring  enterprise  came 
near  costing  them  all  their  lives,  for  the  unknown 
country  into  which  they  thus  started  as  pioneers  was 
utterly  devoid  of  water.  Their  scanty  supply  was  soon 
exhausted,  and  the  horrors  of  thirst  took  possession  of 
them.  They  killed  their  dogs  and  cut  off  the  ears  of 
their  mules  in  order  to  endeavor  to  find  a  moment's 
relief  by  drinking  the  warm  blood  of  the  animals. 
Probably  all  would  have  perished,  had  not  a  buffalo, 
coming  from  a  river  whose  nearness  they  had  not  sus- 
pected, appeared  among  them ;  and  the  water  in  his 
stomach  afforded  relief  which  enabled  them  to  reach 
the  river  itself.  Even  then  they  did  not  find  the  route 
since  so  well  known,  as  the  "Santa  Fe  Trail,"  for  they 
passed  to  the  north  of  the  Raton  range,  and  first  reached 
the  Spanish  settlements  at  Taos 

Early  in  May,  Colonel  Cooper,  a  neighbor  of  Captain 
Becknell,  had  left  Missouri,  about  fifteen  being  in  the 
party,  and  by  pursuing  the  better  known  route  up  the 
Arkansas,  had  successfully  made  the  journey.  Down  to 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  273 

this  time,  and  indeed  until  1824,  all  of  the  expeditions 
were  on  mule-back,  and  of  course  the  amount  of  goods 
that  could  be  transported  was  comparatively  inconsider- 
able; but  in  the  latter  year  a  new  departure  was  made 
by  the  employment  of  vehicles.  The  caravan  which 
then  started  consisted  of  twenty-five  wagons  of  different 
kinds,  the  largest  part  being  what  were  then  called 
"  Dearborn  carriages,"  besides  a  number  of  the  pack- 
mules  which  had  usually  been  employed;  and  their  suc- 
cess in  making  the  trip,  which  presented  fewer  diffi- 
culties than  had  been  anticipated,  gave  a  great  impetus 
to  the  Santa  Fe  trade.  The  original  cost  of  the  goods 
brought  by  this  caravan  was  $25,000  to  $30,000. 

Thus  far  the  occasional  passing  of  a  few  adventurers 
had  apparently  not  been  noticed  by  the  Indians,  or 
rather,  the  first  traversers  of  the  plains  traded  almost  as 
much  for  skins  and  furs  with  the  Indians  as  with  Span- 
iards, and  took  pains  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  them. 
But  as  the  traffic  increased,  among  the  men  employed 
were  many  of  the  reckless  and  unprincipled,  who  seemed 
to  regard  neither  the  keeping  of  faith  with  an  Indian, 
nor  even  the  taking  of  his  life,  as  of  any  importance. 
To  use  the  language  of  Joseph  Gregg,  who  spoke  from 
long  personal  experience,  "  Many  seemed  to  forget  the 
wholesome  precept,  that  they  should  not  be  savages 
themselves  because  they  dealt  with  savages.  Instead 
of  cultivating  friendly  feelings  with  those  who  remained 
peaceful  and  honest,  there  was  an  occasional  one  always 
disposed  to  kill,  even  in  cold  blood,  every  Indian  that 
fell  into  their  power." 

As  the  amount  carried  to  the  East  by  traders  in- 
creased, troubles  with  bands  of  Indian  thieves  and  ma- 
rauders became  alarmingly  frequent  and  grew  more  and 
more  serious.  The  first  difficulty  of  this  kind  was  ex- 
perienced by  a  small  party  returning  from  a  trading 
trip  in  1826.  They  were  encamped  on  the  Cimarron,  and 
very  foolishly  had  but  four  guns  among  the  twelve 


274  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

persons  who  comprised  it.  A  small  party  of  Arrapahoes 
approached  in  afriendly  way,  but  seeing  the  weakness  of 
the  trading  party,  went  away  for  a  short  time  and 
returned  thirty  strong.  Their  chief  then  told  the 
Americans  that  his  men  needed  horses,  as  they  had 
none  ;  and  the  traders,  hoping  to  satisfy  them,  gave  them 
one  apiece.  Then  the  Indians'  demand  increased  to 
two  horses  for  each  of  their  number,  and  the  traders, 
knowing  resistance  to  be  useless,  again  acquiesced ; 
whereupon  the  Indians,  mounting  their  newly  acquired 
steeds,  and  each  swinging  a  lasso  in  his  hand,  took  pos- 
session of  the  whole  drove  of  animals  belonging  to  the 
caravan,  numbering  about  500.  This  however  only  af- 
fected property ;  soon  lives  were  found  to  be  unsafe. 
The  first  victims  were  two  young  men  named  McNees 
and  Monroe,  who  had  strayed  a  little  way  from  their 
camp,  and  were  wantonly  shot  almost  within  sight  of 
their  tents.  While  the  party  to  which  they  belonged 
was  engaged  in  burying  them  as  best  they  could  on  the 
lone  prairie,  near  the  banks  of  the  Cimarron,  a  small 
party  of  Indians,  no  doubt  entire  strangers  to  the  mur- 
der, came  near;  and  the  Americans,  full  of  indignation  at 
the  death  of  their  comrades,  and  stopping  to  ask  no 
questions,  shot  down  all  of  them  save  one,  who  escaped 
to  bear  tidings  of  the  slaughter  to  his  tribe.  They  in 
turn  pursued  the  caravan  of  the  traders,  bent  on  aven- 
ging the  death  of  their  brethren ;  and  overtaking  them 
at  the  Arkansas  River,  carried  off  nearly  1,000  head 
of  horses  and  mules,  though  the  owners  themselves 
succeeded  in  escaping.  Turning  back  towards  their  vil- 
lage, their  vengeance  far  from  satisfied  until  blood  had 
been  paid  for  blood,  the  Indians  soon  encountered  an- 
other little  returning  prairie  caravan,  which  they 
attacked,  killing  one  man  and  running  off  all  the  horses. 
The  profits  of  the  trade  at  that  time  may  be  guessed 
from  the  fact  that  the  men  thus  left  to  travel  towards 
home  afoot  had  each  to  carry  with  him  over  eighty 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  275 

pounds  of  silver  coin,  which  was  his  share  of  the  gains 
of  the  trip. 

The  news  of  these  assaults  caused  the  Government 
next  year  to  furnish  an  armed  escort,  consisting  of  four 
companies  of  troops  under  Major  Riley,  which  was  to 
protect  the  caravan  as  far  as  Ghouteau's  Island,  in  the 
Arkansas,  and  the  various  traders  consolidated  their 
trains  into  one  long  caravan.  It  was  supposed  that  the 
road  past  that  point  was  comparatively  free  from  dan- 
ger, but  the  fallacy  of  this  was  shown  on  the  first  pos- 
sible occasion ;  for  the  caravan  had  proceeded  but  two 
hours'  march  on  its  way,  after  parting  with  the  troops, 
when  the  advance  guard  was  attacked  by  Kiawas,  and 
one  man  so  unfortunate  as  not  to  escape  was  killed  and 
scalped.  Major  Riley  was  at  once  sent  for,  and  arrived 
with  all  speed,  but  the  Indians  had  retired  at  the  first 
sign  of  the  presence  of  soldiers.  The  escort  remained 
in  camp  on  the  Arkansas  until  the  returning  caravan  in 
the  fall  required  their  services.  But  for  some  unex- 
plained reason  the  Government  failed  to  furnish  a 
similar  military  protection  the  next  year,  and  it  was 
only  repeated. on  special  occasions  thereafter,  as  in  1834, 
when  Captain  Wharton's  dragoons  were  detailed  for  the 
service,  and  in  1843,  when  a  formidable  army  under 
Captain  Cooke  escorted  two  large  caravans  past  the 
principal  points  of  danger. 

As  early  as  1825  the  Government  had  taken  the  first 
steps  in  favor  of  encouraging  the  traffickers  of  the  plains 
by  appointing  a  commission,  consisting  of  Messrs. 
Reeves,  Sibley,  and  Matthews,  to  lay  out  a  road  from  the 
border  of  Missouri  to  the  confines  of  Santa  Fe.  While 
this  work  was  never  completed,  yet  it  was  commenced 
with  some  spirit  by  the  commissioners,  who  held  a 
council  with  the  Osages  in  a  beautiful  strip  of  woods 
called  Council  Grove,  long  an  important  point  on  the 
Santa  Fe  Trail,  and  now  the  seat  of  justice  of  Morris 
County,  Kansas.  Here  a  treaty  was  made  whereby  the 


276  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

Indians  agreed  to  permit  all  traders  to  pass  and  repass, 
without  interference,  and  in  case  of  necessity,  to  lend 
their  assistance  to  trading  caravans.  The  line  of  the 
proposed  road  was  determined  as  far  as  the  Arkansas, 
and  designated  by  mounds  of  earth ;  but  it  never 
seems  to  have  been  used  by  the  travellers,  who  per- 
sistently refused  to  be  carried  off  from  the  old  trail, 
which  had  been  the  route  of  their  predecessors,  and 
which  had  the  sanction  of  experience  if  not  of  scientific 
engineering. 

The  first  route  followed,  as  we  have  seen,  was  by  a 
line  almost  directly  westward  to  the  mountains  of  Colo- 
rado, and  thence  south  to  Taos.  Afterwards,  when  the 
trade  assumed  importance,  a  road  along  the  Arkansas, 
and  thence  south-west  to  the  Raton  Pass,  following  sub- 
stantially the  present  line  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  & 
Santa  Fe  Railroad,  was  sometimes  used;  but  the  route 
which  was  the  ordinary  and  favorite  one  for  a  long  series 
of  years  was  that  along  the  Arkansas,  thence  across  to 
the  Cimarron,  and  so  entering  New  Mexico,  proceeding 
in  an  almost  direct  line  to  the  Wagon  Mound — which 
made  a  conspicuous  landmark — and  thence  to  Las  Vegas, 
San  Miguel,  and  Santa  Fe.  A  few  trips  were  made  by 
a  more  southerly  route,  starting  from  Van  Buren,  in 
Arkansas,  instead  of  Independence;  and  Mr.  Gregg 
pronounced  this  the  most  excellent  natural  line  of 
travel.  But  it  never  became  popular,  or  was  more  than 
an  experiment. 

In  1839  an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  route 
from  Chihuahua  and  El  Paso  to  the  East,  without  going 
to  Santa  Fe  at  all.  This  was  undertaken  chiefly  by 
Mexican  merchants,  but  Dr.  Connolly  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  enterprise  also.  The  expedition  set  out 
from  Chihuahua,  April  3,  1839,  amid  general  acclama- 
tions, as  the  people  saw  in  it  the  commencement  of  a 
great  wholesale  trade  for  their  city.  Seven  wagons,  with 
about  $250,000  in  bullion,  constituted  the  caravan;  and 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  277 

for  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  country,  lost  considerable 
time,  both  in  going  and  returning,  having  much  trouble 
in  crossing  some  of  the  intervening  rivers,  and  did  not 
reach  Chihuahua,  on  their  return  (when  they  brought 
sixty  or  seventy  wagons  laden  with  merchandise),  until 
August  27, 1840.  A  change,  meanwhile,  had  taken  place 
in  the  Mexican  officials,  which  greatly  affected  the  duties 
to  be  paid,  so  that  the  enterprise  was  a  financial  failure, 
and  was  never  repeated. 

Down  to  1824  only  pack-animals  were  employed ; 
in  1824  and  1825  pack-animals  and  wagons ;  and  com- 
mencing in  1826,  nothing  but  wagons.  Oxen  were  first 
used  in  1830.  The  following  statistics,  taken  from 
Gregg's  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies,"  show  the  gradual 
increase  in  the  business  from  its  commencement  in  1822 
until  1843,  when  the  trade  was  temporarily  closed: — 

Years.  Cost  of  Merchandise.  No.  Wagons.  Men. 


ioza  q 
1823..  

12,000. 

vu 
,;  50 

1824  

35,000  . 

26 

100 

1825  

65,000. 

37 

130 

1826  

90,000. 

60 

100 

1827  

85,000. 

55 

90 

1828  

150,000. 

100 

200 

1829  

60,000. 

30 

50 

1830  

120,000. 

70 

140 

1831  

250,000. 

130 

320 

1832  

140,000. 

70 

150 

1833  

180,000 

105 

185 

1834  

150,000. 

80 

160 

1835  

140,000. 

75 

140 

1836  

130,000. 

70 

135 

1837  

150,000. 

:  80 

160 

1838  

90,000. 

50 

100 

1839  

250,000. 

130 

250 

1840  

50,000. 

30 

60 

1841  

150,000. 

60 

100 

1842  

160,000. 

70 

120 

1843  

450,000. 

230 

350 

In  the  beginning  of  the  traffic  across  the  plains, 
those  engaged  in  it  were  nearly  all  Americans  or  French, 
from  the  western  States;  but  gradually  New  Mexicans 
of  wealth  began  to  take  part  in  the  business,  until  in 


V- ' 

278  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

1843,  Gregg  says,  "  the  greater  part  of  the  traders  were 
New  Mexicans,  and  they  bid  fair  to  secure  a  monopoly." 

While  the  time  occupied  in  making  the  passage,  of 
course,  varied  considerably  according  to  circumstances, 
yet  an  average  trip  to  Santa  Fe,  with  loaded  wagons, 
usually  occupied  about  seventy  days,  and  the  return 
trip  about  forty  days.  The  eastward  loads  then  compara- 
tively light,  usually  from  1,000  to  2,000  pounds,  and  the 
approaching  winter  compelled  haste.  On  one  occasion  a 
young  man  of  Canadian  descent,  named  F.  X.  Aubrey, 
rode,  on  a  wager,  from  Santa  Fe  to  Independence  in  five 
days  and  ten  hours ;  his  own  mare  Nellie  carrying  him 
150  miles  of  the  distance. 

Gregg,  in  his  "  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,"  gives  a 
graphic  account  of  the  way  in  which  the  movements  of 
the  caravan  were  managed  and  governed.  The  first 
business  was  to  elect  a  il  Captain  of  the  Caravan,"  who 
directed  the  order  of  travel  and  designated  the  camping- 
grounds.  While  he  had  no  legal  authority,  yet  all  by 
common  consent  obeyed  his  directions.  The  proprie- 
tors then  furnished  a  full  list  of  'the  wagons  and  men, 
and  the  caravan  was  then  apportioned  into  about  four 
divisions,  each  with  a  lieutenant  in  command,  as  they 
generally  marched  in  four  lines  abreast.  The  guards 
were  then  arranged,  the  number  of  watchmen  generally 
being  eight,  each  man  standing  guard  a  quarter  of  each 
alternate  night.  From  this  duty  no  one,  no  matter 
what  his  circumstances,  Was  exempt';  except  in  case  of 
very  apparent  sickness. 

The  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  caravan  was  usually 
Council  Grove,  the  wagons  leaving  Independence  at 
somewhat  different  times;  and  at  the  time  of  starting, 
which  was  generally  after  an  early  breakfast,  the  cry  of 
"  catch-up  "  was  sounded  from  the  captain's  wagon  and 
re-echoed  throughout  the  camp,  until  the  answering 
shouts  of  "all's  set"  from  the  teamsters  in  turn,  an- 
nounced that  the  wagons  were  ready  for  the  journey. 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  279 

It  was  the  custom  when  about  200  miles  from  Santa 
Fe  to  send  a  party  of  couriers,  composed  generally  of 
proprietors  or  agents,  and  known  on  the  plain  as  "run- 
ners," ahead  to  that  city,  with  a  view  to  procuring  pro- 
visions, securing  good  store-houses,  and  if  possible  ar- 
riving at  an  understanding  with  the  custom-house 
officials.  At  the  crossing  of  Red  River,  some  part  of  the 
caravan  frequently  left  the  main  body  to  proceed 
westerly  to  Taos ;  and  a  little  further  on  they  were  met 
by  the  custom-house  guard,  who  came  to  escort  the  car- 
avan into  Santa  Fe  to  prevent  smuggling.  In  the  early 
days  the  village  of  San  Miguel  was  the  first  reached,  but 
subsequently  Las  Vegas  was  settled,  and  still  later  some 
American  families  built  in  the  valley  of  the  Mora,  near 
the  present  town  of  Watrous. 

When  the  caravan  finally  arrived  in  sight  of  Santa 
Fe,  great  excitement  prevailed  both  among  those  con- 
nected with  the  wagons,  and  in  the  city.  To  use  the 
language  of  Mr.  Bigelow  :  "  It  was  truly  a  scene  for  the 
artist's  pencil  to  revel  in ;  even  the  animals  seemed  to 
participate  in  the  humor  of  their  riders,  who  grew  more 
and  more  merry  and  obstreperous  as  they  descended  to- 
ward the  city.  I  doubt  whether  the  first  sight  of  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  was  beheld  by  the  Crusaders  with 
much  more  tumultuous  and  soul-enrapturing  joy." 

The  arrival  produced  a  great  deal  of  bustle  among 
the  natives.  "Los  Americanos!"  "Los  CarrosJ"  "La 
entrada  de  la  Caravana ! "  were  to  be  heard  in  every  di- 
rection; and  crowds  of  women  and  boys  flocked  around 
to  see  the  new-comers.  The  wagoners  were  by  no  means 
free  from  excitement  on  this  occasion.  Each  one  must 
tie  a  brand-new  cracker  to  the  lash  of  his  whip,  for  on 
driving  through  the  streets  and  the  plaza  publica,  every 
one  strives  to  outvie  his  comrades  in  the  dexterity 
with  which  he  nourishes  this  favorite  badge  of  his 
authority." 

"Our  wagons  were  soon  discharged  in  the  warerooms 


280  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

of  the  custom-house  ;  and  a  few  days1  leisure  being  now 
at  our  disposal,  we  had  time  to  take  that  recreation 
which  a  fatiguing  journey  of  ten  weeks  had  rendered 
so  necessary.  The  wagoners  and  many  of  the  traders, 
particularly  the  novices,  flocked  to  the  numerous  fan- 
dangoes, which  are  regularly  kept  up  after  the  arrival 
of  a  caravan.  But  the  merchants  generally  were  anx- 
iously and  actively  engaged  in  their  affairs,  striving 
who  should  first  get  his  goods  out  of  the  custom-house, 
and-  obtain  a  chance  at  the  '  hard  chink  '  of  the  numer- 
ous country  dealers  who  annually  resort  to  the  Capital 
on  these  occasions." 

"  The  derechos  de  arancel  (tariff  imposts)  of  Mexico 
are  extremely  oppressive,  averaging  about  100%  upon 
the  United  States'  cost  of  an  ordinary  Santa  Fe  assort- 
ment. Those  on  cotton  textures  are  particularly  so. 
According  to  the  arancel  of  1837  (and  it  was  still  heavier 
before)  all  plain-wove  cottons,  whether  white  or  printed, 
pay  twelve  and  a  half  cents  duty  per  vara,  besides  the 
derecho  de  consume  (consumption  duty),  which  brings  it  up 
to  at  least  fifteen.  For  a  few  years,  Governor  Armijo,  of 
Santa  Fe,  established  a  tariff  of  his  own,  entirely  arbi- 
trary,—exacting  $500  for  each  wagon-load,  whether 
large  or  small,  of  fine  or  coarse  goods!  Of  course  this 
was  very  advantageous  to  such  traders  as  had  large 
wagons,  and  costly  assortments,  while  it  was  no  less 
onerous  to  those  with  smaller  vehicles  of  coarse  heavy 
goods.  As  might  have  been  anticipated,  the  traders 
soon  took  to  carrying  their  merchandise  only  in  the 
largest  wagons,  drawn  by  ten  or  twelve  mules,  and 
omitting  the  coarser  and  more  weighty  articles  of  trade. 
This  caused  the  Governor  to  return  to  the  ad  valorem 
system,  though  still  without  regard  to  the  arancel  general 
of  the  nation. "  It  was  calculated  that  the  amount  col- 
lected each  year  at  this  time  amounted  to  between  $50,- 
000  and  $60,000. 

The   return   trip   usually  commenced   four   or   five 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL.  281 

weeks  after  the  arrival  at  Santa  Fe ;  generally  about  the 
1st  of  September.  Usually  the  caravan  consisted  of  only 
thirty  or  forty  wagons,  a  large  portion  of  those  taken 
out  being  disposed  of  in  the  country.  The  return  cargo, 
which  was  the  proceeds  of  the  venture,  was  silver  bullion 
from  Chihuahua — and  in  later  years,  gold-dust  from  the 
placers  south  of  Santa  Fe—  buffalo-rugs,  furs,  coarse  Mex- 
ican blankets  and  wool,  the  latter,  however,  hardly  pay- 
ing a  fair  freight,  but  being  used  to  fill  wagons  which 
would  otherwise  have  been  empty. 

Stories  of  tragedies  on  the  plains,  during  the  early 
days,  could  be  multiplied  almost  indefinitely.  Generally 
they  resulted  from  the  carelessness  or  overconfidence  of 
the  traders.  The  death  of  Captain  Smith,  in  1831,  illus- 
trates this.  He  had  for  years  been  a  pioneer  in  the  In- 
dian country  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  had  the 
firmest  belief  in  his  knowledge  of  border  affairs.  In  the 
spring  of  that  year  he  concluded  to  enter  the  Santa  Fe 
trade,  and  started  off  in  a  caravan  numbering  eighty- 
four  men,  under  the  general  command  of  Captain  Sub- 
lette.  Strangely  enough,  no  one  among  the  eighty-four 
had  ever  been  over  the  Santa  Fe  Trail ;  and  shortly  after 
crossing  the  Arkansas  the  party  became  lost  in  the  laby- 
rinth of  buffalo-tracks  which  crossed  the  plains  in  every 
direction.  After  days  of  wandering  the  water  was  ex- 
hausted and  none  could  be  found.  Parties  went  out  in 
various  directions  in  search  of  a  stream  or  spring,  and 
among  them  Smith  started  alone,  in  what  he  thought  a 
promising  direction.  After  long  travelling  he  at  length 
reached  the  goal  of  his  hopes ;  a  small  stream  was  before 
him,  or  rather  the  now  dry  bed  of  what  had  been  a 
stream.  Well  versed  in  the  nature  of  the  western 
waters,  he  dug  with  his  hands  a  hole  in  the  center  of  the 
channel,  and  soon  was  rejoiced  to  see  it  become  a  little 
pool.  But  as  he  stooped  and  was  in  the  very  act  of 
assuaging  his  long-continued  and  burning  thirst,  he  fell 
a  victim  to  the  deadly  arrows  of  the  Comanche. 


282  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 

After  the  year  1831,  however,  Indian  attacks  on  the 
regular  route  ceased;  but  soon  after,  new  difficulties 
arose.  The  treatment  of  the  Texan  "  Santa  Fe  Expedi- 
tion," in  1841,  which  is  narrated  elsewhere,  aroused 
great  indignation  in  the  "Lone  Star"  Republic,  and 
rumors  were  rife  in  1842  that  a  band  of  Texans  was 
preparing  for  an  organized  attack  on  any  Mexicans 
whom  they  could  find  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  Early  in 
the  next  year  one  Colonel  Warfield,  said  to  have  held  a 
Texan  commission,  formed  a  company,  with  which  he 
attacked  the  town  of  Mora— then  the  most  advanced 
settlement  in  that  direction — killing  five  men  and 
driving  off  a  lot  of  horses.  He  was  pursued,  however, 
by  a  party  of  Mexicans,  who  succeeded  not  only  in  re- 
taking their  own  horses,  but  in  capturing  those  of  the 
Texans,  so  that  Warfield's  company  had  to  go  on  foot 
to  Bents'  Fort.  About  the  same  time  a  Texan  named 
John  Me  Daniel,  claiming  to  hold  a  captain's  commission, 
raised  a  party  of  men  on  the  border  of  Missouri,  and 
started  to  join  Warfield.  On  the  way  he  met  Don 
Antonio  Jose  Chavez,  of  New  Mexico,  travelling  towards 
Independence  with  a  small  party,  consisting  of  five 
servants,  with  two  wagons  and  fifty-five  mules,  and 
$10,000  or  $12,000  in  specie  and  bullion.  Although 
within  the  United  States  territory,  the  marauders  did 
not  hesitate  to  attack  Chavez,  and  rifle  his  baggage, 
from  which  each  member  of  McDaniel's  party  obtained 
about  $500  as  his  share  of  the  booty;  and  immediately 
after,  seven  of  them  left  for  the  settlements,  satisfied  with 
this  exploit.  The  remaining  eight  for  some  reason  de- 
termined to  murder  Chavez,  and  soon  after  carried  their 
cruel  design  into  execution — carrying  their  victim  a  few 
rods  from  the  camp  and  shooting  him  in  cold  blood.  A 
considerable  amount  of  gold  was  found  on  his  person  and 
in  his  trunk,  and  was  divided  among  the  murderers, 
who  thereupon  fled  towards  Missouri. 

This    outrage   was   the   more    abominable    because 


THE  SANTA   FE  TRAIL.  283 

Chavez  belonged  to  a  very  influential  family,  who  were 
not  at  all  friendly  to  Armijo  and  his  action  in  regard 
to  the  Texans,  Don  Mariano  Chavez,  the  elder  brother 
of  the  murdered  man,  and  his  wife,  having  done  all  that 
kind  hearts  could  dictate  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of 
the  Texan  prisoners,  on  their  march  down  the  Rio 
Grande. 

Before  the  perpetration  of  this  murder  a  company  of 
United  States  dragoons  had  started  to  intercept  and 
capture  McDaniel's  party,  but  were  not  in  time ;  but  as 
soon  as  the  outlaws  reached  the  borders  of  civilization, 
ten  of  them  were  arrested  and  sent  to  St.  Louis  for  trial, 
five  others  escaping.  Those  of  the  prisoners  who  were 
found  guilty  of  participation  in  the  murder  of  Chavez, 
including  Captain  McDaniel,  were  executed  according 
to  law,  and  the  others  were  convicted  of  robbery  and 
sentenced  accordingly. 

About  May  1st,  of  the  same  year,  a  company  of  175 
men  was  organized  in  northern  Texas,  under  Colonel 
Snively,  for  operations  against  Mexicans  engaged  in  the 
Santa  Fe  trade,  and  were  soon  after  joined  by  Colonel 
Warfield  and  a  few  followers.  They  soon  after  encoun- 
tered a  Mexican  caravan,  containing  about  100  men, 
attacked  it,  and  killed  eighteen  besides  five  who  sub- 
sequently died,  and  captured  nearly  all  of  the  remainder. 
This  was  in  Mexican  or  Texan  territory,  and  has  been 
justified  by  some  as  a  fair  act  of  warfare,  the  two  coun- 
tries being  then  engaged  in  the  struggle  which  suc- 
ceeded the  Texan  declaration  of  independence ;  but  by 
others  it  has  been  held  to  be  beyond  the  proper  limits 
of  belligerency.  Snively,  who  had  meanwhile  moved  to 
a  point  on  territory  claimed  by  the  United  States,  was 
soon  after  met  by  Captain  Cook,  in  command  of  200 
American  dragoons,  acting  as  escort  to  the  annual  cara- 
van from  Independence ;  and  the  Texans  were  speedily 
disarmed  by  the  United  States  troops. 

The  occurrence  of  such  events,  however,  determined 


284 


THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL. 


President  Santa  Ana  to  close  the  north  of  the  Mexi- 
can Republic  against  any  further  commerce ;  which  for 
a  time  ended  the  business  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  The 
decree  is  dated  at  Tacubaya,  August  7,  1843,  and  was  to 
take  effect  in  forty-five  days.  The  next  spring,  how- 
ever, the  custom-houses  were  re-opened  and  the  trade 
renewed.  In  1846  the  number  of  wagons  in  the  caravan 
was  414,  and  the  value  of  the  merchandise  transported 
was  estimated  at  $1,752,250.  After  the  American  occu- 
pation the  business  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  still  further 
increased ;  new  and  large  commercial  establishments 
being  founded  at  the  capital  city,  from  which  a  great 
part  of  northern  Mexico  as  well  as  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona  were  supplied. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 


THE    INSURRECTION    OF    1837. 

T?OR  the  commencement  of  the  causes  which  led  to 
-F  this  outbreak,  we  must  go  back  two  years,  to  the 
time  when  Albino  Perez,  a  Colonel  of  the  Mexican  army, 
was  appointed  Political  Chief  by  President  Santa  Ana, 
in  1835.  For  some  time  before,  the  people  of  the  ter- 
ritory had  been  governed  by  native  New  Mexicans,  or 
by  those  who  had  become  identified  with  their  interests. 
Bacas  and  Chavez,  and  Armijos,  had  been  among  their 
recent  rulers,  and  the  last  Spanish  Governor,  Melgares, 
was  one  of  whose  brilliant  record  they  were  all  proud ; 
but  Governor  Perez  was  an  entire  stranger,  sent  from 
Mexico ;  and  even  if  he  had  been  absolutely  perfect,  his 
appointment  would  have  occasioned  discontent.  The 
feeling  was  increased  during  the  next  year  by  events 
connected  with  the  trial  of  the  disbursing  officers  of 
the  territory,  who  were  charged  with  peculation — two 
of  the  three  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Nafero  and 
Santiago  Abreu,  being  among  those  accused  as  accom- 
plices ;  and  the  highest  pitch  of  excitement  was  reached 
when  in  May,  1837,  the  new  Mexican  constitution  went 
into  effect,  which  changed  the  Territory  into  a  Depart- 
ment, centralized  power  in  many  respects,  and  imposed 
taxes  to  which  the  people  had  never  before  been  subject. 
The  opponents  of  the  government  exaggerated  the  bad 
features  of  the  new  system  so  as  to  render  them  still 
more  obnoxious,  until  the  people,  especially  in  the 
north,  were  ready  to  break  into  revolt  at  the  first'  signal. 
An  occasion  soon  presented  itself  in  the  arrest  and 
imprisonment  of  a  local  judicial  officer  on  what  the  peo- 
ple considered  a  false  charge  ;  a  large  assemblage  hur- 


286  INSURRECTION  OF  1837. 

riedly  gathered,  released  him  by  force,  and  raised  the 
standard  of  revolution.  This  was  on  the  1st  of  August, 
1837.  Santa  Cruz  became  the  head-quarters  of  the 
movement,  and  within  two  days  a  large  number  of  men 
dissatisfied  with  the  government  had  collected  there, 
embracing  many  Mexicans  from  the  northern  counties, 
especially  from  the  vicinity  of  Chimayo,  and  the  major- 
ity of  the  Pueblo  Indians  from  the  adjacent  villages, 
except  San  Juan.  On  August  3d  they  issued  the  fol- 
lowing "  Plan,"  which  was  published  and  circulated  : — 

"  Viva !  God  and  the  Nation !  and  the  faith  of  Jesus 
Christ !  For  the  principal  points  which  we  defend  are 
the  following : 

"1st.  To  be  with  God  and  the  Nation,  and  the  faith 
of  Jesus  Christ. 

"2d.  To  defend  our  country  until  we  spill  every 
drop  of  our  blood  in  order  to  obtain  the  victory  we  have 
in  view. 

"  3d.     Not  to  admit  the  departmental  *  plan.' 

"  4th.     Not  to  admit  any  tax. 

"  5th.  Not  to  admit  the  disorder  desired  by  those 
who  are  attempting  to  procure  it.  God  and  the  Nation  ! 

"  Encampment,  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada,  August  3d, 
1837." 

As  soon  as  Governor  Perez  received  news  of  this  re- 
volt, he  assembled  what  troops  he  had  at  command,  and 
called  on  the  militia  to  report  for  duty ;  but  to  this  call 
received  a  very  lukewarm  response.  The  Indians  of 
San  Juan  and  Santo  Domingo,  however,  remained  ap- 
parently true,  and  accompanied  by  the  warriors  from 
those  pueblos  and  his  own  soldiers,  he  marched  to  put 
down  the  rebels.  These  he  met  on  the  second  day,  near 
San  Yldefonso,  but  upon  approaching  them,  nearly  all 
of  the  Governor's  army  deserted  and  fraternized  with 
their  opponents;  leaving  so  few  faithful  to  his  standard 
that  Perez  was  forced  to  move  with  all  speed  toward  Santa 
Fe.  Lieutenant  Miguel  Sena,  Sergeant  Sais,  and  Loreto 


INSURRECTION  OF  1837.  287 

Romero,  who  were  among  those  who  remained  loyal, 
were  killed  by  the  revolutionists  near  the  Puertocito, 
between  Santa  Cruz  and  Pojuaque.  Finding  that  there 
was  no  security  at  the  palace,  the  Governor  left  the  city 
at  10  o'clock  at  night  to  escape  to  the  south,  but  the  roads 
were  all  blocked  by  squads  of  revolutionists,  and  his 
party  was  soon  forced  to  retreat  and  again  retire  towards 
the  capital.  Travelling  on  foot,  the  better  to  conceal  his 
identity,  Governor  Perez  reached  the  house  of  Salvador 
Martinez,about  a  league  south-west  of  Santa  Fe  and  near 
Agua  Fria,  and  took  refuge  there,  but  was  soon  found 
by  Indians  from  Santo  Domingo,  who  were  following 
his  track,  and  almost  instantly  killed.  Before  his  pulse 
had  ceased  to  beat,  they  cut  off  his  head — compelling 
Santiago  Prada,  one  of  his  own  soldiers,  to  perform  the 
deed — and  carried  it  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  insur- 
gents, which  were  now  near  the  Church  of  our  Lady  of 
the  Rosary  (Rosario  Church),  in  the  western  outskirts 
of  Santa  Fe.  On  the  same  day  Jesus  Maria  Alarid, 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Santiago  Abreu,  formerly  Gov- 
ernor, were  taken  together  near  the  Mesita  of  Santo  Do- 
mingo, and  killed;  the  latter  with  special  cruelty. 
Ramon  Abreu  and  Marcelino  Abreu,  brother  of  the 
Ex-Governor,  and  Lieutenant  Madrigal  and  another, 
were  overtaken  on  the  same  road,  at  a  place  called  "  Las 
Palacias,"  between  Cieneguilla  and  Agua  Fria,and  killed. 
Colonel  Aponti  was  wounded  at  the  same  time,  and 
taken  prisoner. 

All  this  was  on  the  9th  of  August;  and  the  next 
day  the  insurgents  entered  the  city  without  opposition, 
under  command  of  General  "  Chopon,"  of  Taos,  and  the 
Montoya  brothers  took  possession  of  the  palace,  and 
offered  up  thanks  in  the  parish  church  for  their  victory. 
Jose  Gonzalez,  a  Pueblo  Indian,  of  Taos,  was  elected 
Governor,  and  duly  installed  in  office  in  the  palace ;  and 
the  revolutionary  army,  having  now  accomplished  its 


288  INSURRECTION  OF  1837. 

object,  immediately  disbanded — its  members  returning 
to  their  homes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  movement  had  the 
secret  support  and  approval  of  many  of  the  leading  men 
of  the  northern  counties,  including  Santa  Fe  itself; 
but  in  the  end  they  seem  to  have  been  entirely  out- 
generaled by  Governor  Armijo,  who  soon  after  organized 
a  counter-revolution  in  the  lower  country,  and  prepared 
to  march  to  Santa  Fe  with  a  considerable  force.  Mean- 
while, a  General  Assembly,  composed  of  the  alcaldes  and 
other  influential  citizens  in  the  northern  half  of  the 
territory,  met  at  Santa  Fe  in  the  palace,  and  ratified 
the  acts  of  the  revolutionists. 

When  Gonzales  heard,  however,  that  Armijo  was 
marching  up  from  Albuquerque,  he  withdrew  from  the 
capital  to  Santa  Cruz,  which  was  the  center  of  the 
revolutionary  feeling.  Armijo  thereupon  entered  Santa 
Fe,  assumed  charge  of  the  government,  and  proclaimed 
himself  Commandant-General  of  the  Province.  He  im- 
mediately sent  dispatches  to  the  central  government  at 
Mexico,  stating  that  he  had  overthrown  the  rebellion  ; 
and  as  a  result  was  appointed  Governor  of  New  Mexico 
— a  position  which  he  held  for  the  greater  part  of  nine 
years.  At  the  same  time  the  national  authorities  dis- 
patched troops  from  Zacatecas  and  Chihuahua  to  assist 
in  the  final  suppression  of  the  insurrection.  With  these 
and  his  own  soldiers,  Armijo  made  a  rapid  march  to 
Santa  Cruz,  in  January,  and  succeeded  in  defeating  the 
entire  rebel  army,  and  capturing  all  the  leaders.  Im- 
mediate punishment  followed,  no  mercy  being  shown. 
The  two  brothers  Montoya,  General  "  Chopon,"  and 
Alcalde  Esquibel  were  shot  near  the  old  powder-house, 
or  "  Garita,"  on  the  little  hill  in  the  northern  part  of 
Santa  Fe ;  Juan  Antonio  Vigil  was  executed  near  Cuya- 
mungue;  and  Gonzales  was  killed  by  the  immediate 
command  of  Armijo  himself.  The  story  is  that  Gonza- 


INSURRECTION  OF  1837.  289 

lez,  on  being  captured  at  Canada,  was  brought  before 
Armijo,  who  was  then  in  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and 
on  seeing  the  General,  Gonzalez  came  forward  with  hand 
extended,  saying  "  How  do  you  do,  Companero?"  as 
was  proper  between  two  of  equal  rank  as  governors. 
Armijo  replied,  "How  do  you  do,  Companero?  Confess 
yourself,  Companero,"  Then  turning  to  his  soldiers, 
added,  u  Now  shoot  my  companero ! " — which  command 
was  immediately  executed.  This  effectually  ended  the 
revolution  of  1837. 


CHAPTER    XX. 


THE    AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

It  is  not  necessary  in  this  place  to  trace  the  causes 
which  led  to  the  war  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  or  to  follow  its  history  further  than  relates 
specially  to  the  operations  and  results  in  New  Mexico. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  origin  of  the  hostilities 
was  found  in  the  dispute  as  to  the  ownership  of  the  ter- 
ritory between  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Nueces  River. 
When  Texas  declared  its  independence  in  1836,  it 
claimed  all  the  region  from  the  Sabine  on  the  east  to 
the  Rio  Grande  on  the  west,  and  when  the  annexation 
to  the  United  States  took  place  ten  years  later,  it  trans- 
ferred that  claim  of  course  to  the  American  Union.  The 
latter  therefore  claimed  the  whole  country  east  of  the. 
Rio  Grande  from  its  source  to  its  mouth,  including  half 
of  New  Mexico,  with  Taos,  Santa  F6,  Albuquerque, 
San  Miguel,  etc.,  as  well  as  the  long  strip  of  country  to 
the  south  extending  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

This  claim  was  stoutly  resisted  by  Mexico,  which 
insisted  that  the  Territory  of  Texas  had  never  extended 
farther  west  than  the  Nueces  River,  and  determined  to 
oppose  any  attempt  of  the  United  States  to  carry  its 
authority  beyond  that  line.  General  Taylor  having 
been  ordered  into  the  disputed  district,  was  met  by  the 
Mexican  forces,  under  General  Santa  Ana,  and  the  bat- 
tles of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma  on  successive 
days  in  May,  1846,  opened  the  bloody  drama  of  war,  and 
startled  the  American  people,  who  had  been  at  peace  so 
long  that  more  than  a  generation  had  heard  no  sounds 
of  armed  hostilities,  except  as  echoed  from  the  lands 
across  the  ocean. 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  291 

A  formal  declaration  of  war  by  the  American  Con- 
gress followed  almost  immediately,  on  the  10th  of  May ; 
and  so  the  war  was  formally  and  legally,  as  well  as  act- 
ually, begun.  The  first  plan  of  operations  looked  to  an 
invasion  of  Mexican  territory  at  various  points  near  the 
boundary  line,  General  Taylor  crossing  the  Rio  Grande 
near  its  mouth,  with  Monterey  as  his  first  objective 
point,  General  Wool  organizing  a  force  at  San  Antonio 
to  proceed  westerly  towards  Chihuahua,  and  Colonel 
Stephen  W.  Kearney  being  ordered  to  march  from  Fort 
Leavenworth  along  the  general  line  of  the  Santa  Fe 
Trail,  for  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico  and  the  region 
beyond,  with  what  was  denominated  the  Army  of  the 
West."  Our  interest,  of  course,  is  exclusively  with  the 
latter. 

Colonel  Kearney  was  the  commandant  of  the  First 
Dragoons,  U.  S.  A.,  and  troops  from  that  regiment  con- 
stituted the  nucleus  of  the  army  which  was  to  start  on 
the  long  and  perilous  trip  across  the  plains.  Volun- 
teers were  called  for  from  Missouri,  and  a  regiment  of 
•cavalry  was  speedily  organized,  and  on  June  18th  elected, 
as  its  Colonel,  Alexander  W.  Doniphan,  an  eminent 
lawyer  who  had  enlisted  as  a  private.  Missouri  also 
furnished  a  battalion  of  light  artillery,  commanded  by 
Major  Clark,  consisting  of  two  companies,  under  Cap- 
tains Weightman  and  Fischer,  two  companies  of  in- 
fantry, commanded  by  Captains  Angney  and  Murphy, 
and  the  LaClede  Rangers  from  St.  Louis,  under  Captain 
Hudson.  It  was  also  proposed  to  form  a  Mormon  bat- 
talion from  the  Latter  Day  Saints  who  had  recently 
been  driven  from  their  settlements  at  Nauvoo  and  had 
set  out  on  their  journey  towards  a  new  home  in  the 
wilderness  of  the  far  West,  and  Captain  Allen  was 
dispatched  to  Council  Bluffs  to  meet  the  Mormon  cara- 
van and  endeavor  to  obtain  volunteers  for  the  purpose. 

The  companies  which  composed  the  regiment  of 
•dragoons,  like  most  of  our  army  in  times  of  peace,  were 


292  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

widely  scattered  ;  two  companies  stationed  on  the  Upper 
Mississippi,  under  Captain  P.  St.  George  Cooke  and  Cap- 
tain E.  V.  Sumner,  were  firstly  ordered  to  New  Orleans 
to  join  the  more  southerly  expeditions,  but  at  St.  Louis 
found  new  orders  to  proceed  with  Colonel  Kearney  across 
the  plains. 

Kearney  himself  commenced  his  march  from  Fort 
Leavenworth  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  1846.  The  two 
companies  just  mentioned  proceeded  up  the  Missouri 
River  in  boats,  and  set  out  on  July  6th.  The  troops,  all 
told,  consisted  of  six  companies  of  the  First  Dragoons 
— who  were  all  the  regulars  in  the  command — and  the 
volunteers  before  mentioned,  who,  while  possessing  the 
high  spirit,  bravery,  and  love  of  adventure  characteris- 
tic of  the  western  soldier,  yet  had  had  little  time  for 
drilling  or  even  the  acquirement  of  discipline.  Al- 
together, the  "Army  of  the  West,"  with  its  high  sound 
ing  title,  and  which  was  expected  to  march  across  1,000 
miles  of  desert  and  conquer  a  whole  province,  consisted 
of  1,658  men  and  sixteen  pieces  of  ordnance.  The 
whole  did  not  come  together  until  the  plains  had  been 
traversed  and  they  had  reached  Bents'  Fort,  the  most 
important  and  best  known  of  frontier  trading  posts,  and 
then:  the  great  point  of  rendezvous  for  the  hunters  and 
trappers  of  the  mountain  regions.  This  fort  was  situ- 
ated on  the  north  bank  of  the  Arkansas,  about  650  miles 
west  of  Fort  Leavenworth,  in  latitude  38°02'  and  long- 
itude 103°03'.  It  was  180  feet  long  and  135  feet  wide, 
and  the  walls,  which  were  of  adobe,  were  fifteen  feet 
high  and  four  feet  thick.  Altogether,  it  was  certainly 
the  strongest  post  established  by  private  enterprise  in 
the  country.  Here  the  army  found  the  most  of  the 
great  caravan  of  traders'  wagons  which  had  started 
over  the  trail  that  year,  the  whole  consisting  of  414 
loaded  wagons. 

From   Bents'  Fort  Lieutenant   DeCourcey  was  dis- 
patched with  twenty  men  to  the  Taos  Valley  to  ascertain 


AMERICAN   OCCUPATION.  293 

the  disposition  of  the  people  and  report  to  the  General 
at  the  most  practicable  point  on  the  road.  It  may  be 
added  here  that  he  rejoined  the  main  body  on  the  llth 
of  August,  at  the  Ponil,  bringing  14  Mexican  prisoners, 
who  reported  that  the  Pueblos,  Utes,  and  other  Indians, 
to  the  number  of  5,000,  had  joined  the  Mexican  forces, 
and  that  the  United  States  Army  would  be  opposed  at 
every  point  between  San  Miguel  and  Santa  Fe. 

After  spending  three  days  in  greatly  needed  rest,  the 
army  resumed  its  march  on  August  2d,  and  Captain 
Cooke  was  sent  in  advance,  as  a  kind  of  ambassador, 
to  proceed  under  a  flag  of  truce  to  Santa  Fe  and 
carry  the  proclamation  of  the  General  declaring  the  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States  of  all  the  territory  east  of 
the  Rio  Grande  as  part  of  the  old  Republic  of  Texas. 
Cooke  was  accompanied  by  twelve  picked  men  of  his  own 
company  as  an  escort,  and  also  by  Mr  Jas.  Magoffin,  of 
Kentucky,  and  Seiior  Gonzales,  of  Chihuahua,  two  mer- 
chants extensively  engaged  in  the  trade  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Trail,  and  then  bound  for  the  New  Mexican  capital. 
They  crossed  the  Purs^atoire  near  where  Trinidad  now 
is,  and  passed  through  the  Raton  Mountains,  following 
almost  exactly  the  stage  route  of  a  later  day,  and  not  far 
from  the  present  line  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa 
Fe  Railroad,  finding  the  first  habitations  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mora  River,  the  proprietor  being  Mr.  James  Bon- 
ney,  who  had  settled  there  four  years  before. 

On  August  9th  they  came  in  sight  of  Las  Vegas, 
which  Cooke  describes,  as  so  many  others  have  done 
both  before  and  since,  as  resembling  "an  extensive 
brick-yard  and  kilns."  It  was  then  a  comparatively 
new  town,  Don  Miguel  Romero,  the  father  of  the  dis- 
tinguished family  of  that  name,  having  been  its  virtual 
founder  a  little  before  the  year  1840.  Here  the  envoy 
met  the  Alcalde  (Juan  de  Dios  Maes),  and  enjoyed  his 
hospitality,  while  the  latter  sent  a  swift  express  by  the 
short  trail  across  the  mountains  to  carry  the  informa- 


-    294  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

tion  of  the  foreign  arrival  to  Governor  Armijo  at  Santa 
Fe.  The  next  day  Cooke's  party  passed  through  Tecolote 
and  San  Miguel,  in  both  of  which  places  crowds  of  in- 
habitants turned  out  to  see  the  strangers,  and  on  the 
morning  of  August  12th  arrived  at  Santa  Fe.  They 
found  the  city  crowded  with  soldiers  and  citizens,  who 
had  come  in  to  form  a  volunteer  army  to  resist  the 
American  approach,  and  had  some  difficulty  in  forcing 
their  way  through  the  throng  to  the  front  of  the  Palace. 
Here  they  halted  and  were  met  by  Captain  Ortiz  (Mayor 
de  Plaza),  who  carried  news  of  their  arrival  to  the  Gov- 
ernor. That  official  they  found  in  the  large  hall  of  the 
Palace  (which  we  are  told  then  had  a  carpeted  earth 
floor),  seated  at  a  table  and  surrounded  by  military  and 
civil  officers.  Cooke  described  him  as  a  "large  fine  look- 
ing man,"  dressed  in  a  blue  frock  coat,  with  a  rolling 
collar  and  general's  shoulder-straps,  blue  striped  trou- 
sers, with  gold  lace,  and  a  red  sash. 

Cooke  informed  the  Governor  that  he  had  been  sent 
by  the  General  commanding  the  American  army,  with 
a  letter,  which  he  would  present  when  it  should  be 
agreeable  to  his  Excellency.  The  Governor  directed 
that  the  envoy  and  his  escort  should  be  properly  cared 
for,  and  set  a  later  hour  for  an  official  reception  of  his 
communication.  At  the  time  appointed  Cooke  pre- 
sented his  documents,  and  later  in  the  evening  the 
Governor  returned  his  call,  and  said  that  he  would  send 
a  Commissioner  to  meet  General  Kearney,  the  person 
selected  for  that  office  being  Dr.  Connolly.  The  Governor 
also  stated  that  he  would  march  himself  very  shortly 
with  6,000  men  to  meet  the  invaders. 

Meanwhile  the  army  under  Kearney  had  been  pro- 
ceeding by  rapid  marches,  in  which  the  infantry  some- 
times outwalked  the  cavalry,  over  the  same  route  from 
Bents'  Fort  towards  Santa  Fe,  and  had  reached  Santa 
Clara  Springs  on  the  13th,  the  Mora  River  on  the  14th  r 
and  on  the  15th  entered  Las  Vegas.  Just  before  reach- 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  295 

ing  this  town  Major  Swords  arrived  from  Fort  Leaven- 
worth  with  the  mail,  which  contained  Colonel  Kear- 
ney's commission  as  Brigadier-General  U.  S.  A.,  the 
announcement  of  which  caused  great  rejoicing  and  con- 
gratulation among  the  troops.  Las  Vegas  was  the 
first  Mexican  town  reached  by  the  expedition,  and  was 
then  a  place  of  small  importance ;  San  Miguel  being 
the  county  seat  and  center  of  business  and  population 
in  that  section. 

General  Kearney  halted  his  army  and  called  the  peo- 
ple together  in  the  plaza,  standing,  with  his  staff  and 
other  officers,  and  the  Alcalde  of  the  town,  on  the 
flat  roof  of  a  building  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the 
plaza,  near  the  middle  of  the  block  (owned  in  1883  by 
Mr.  Kihlberg).  He  explained  to  the  people  the  objects 
of  the  invasion,  and  assured  them  that  neither  they  nor 
their  property  should  be  molested  so  long  as  they  were 
quiet  and  peaceable.  The  Alcalde,  Juan  de  Dios  Maes, 
then  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States, 
being  the  first  Mexican  who  had  thus  voluntarily  as- 
sumed the  obligations  of  American  citizenship;  and  he 
was  immediately  confirmed  in  his  office  by  the  com- 
manding General. 

Continuing  on  their  march,  Kearney  and  his  troops 
next  reached  the  little  village  of  Tecolote;  and  here 
proceedings  quite  similar  to  those  at  Las  Vegas  were 
enacted.  The  General  addressed  the  Alcalde  and  the 
leading  citizens,  informing  them  of  the  annexation  and 
its  advantages,  and  requiring  an  oath  of  allegiance 
from  the  former,  whom  he  then  confirmed  in  his  office. 
Here  they  met  Colonel  Cooke  and  Dr.  Connolly,  but  no 
change  of  programme  seems  to  have  been  caused  by  any 
communication  from  the  latter.  The  ceremony  at  Teco- 
lote only  occupied  the  time  required  for  watering  the 
horses,  and  at  night  the  army  bivouacked  by  the  spark- 
ling and  refreshing  waters  of  the  Bernal  Spring. 

The  next  day  they  arrived  at  San  Miguel,  then  the 


296  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

cabecera  of  the  county,  and  much  the  most  important 
town  east  of  the  mountains.  It  was  quite  a  changed  scene 
from  that  of  a  few  years  before,  when  the  Texans  of 
Kendall's  expedition,  foot-sore  and  weary,  and  as  pris- 
oners, marched  through  the  same  streets;  and  singularly 
enough,  that  night  the  American  pickets  captured  a  son 
of  General  Salazar,  who  had  taken  the  first  Texans  in  1841. 
General  Kearney  and  his  staff,  with  the  Alcalde,  the 
padre,  and  some  other  officers,  ascended  to  the  roof  of  a 
house  overlooking  the  plaza,  and  delivered  an  address 
to  the  crowds  that  had  congregated  from  the  surround- 
ing country,  similar  to  those  at  Las  Vegas  and  Tecolote  ; 
but  at  first  the  Alcalde  positively  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  was  only  induced  to  comply  after 
much  persuasion.  Soon  after  leaving  the  town,  two 
prisoners  were  captured,  and  by  order  of  the  General, 
conducted  through  the  camp  and  shown  the  number  and 
quality  of  the  cannon,  and  then  set  at  liberty.  To  the 
exaggerated  accounts  of  the  Americans'  strength  given 
by  these  men  to  the  Mexican  volunteers,  and  the  con- 
sternation thus  caused,  have  been  ascribed  largely  the 
demoralization  and  subsequent  melting  away  of  the 
Mexican  army. 

On  the  night  of  August  17th  the  army  encamped 
near  the  deserted  Pueblo  of  Pecos,  where  the  church 
and  some  other  buildings  were  then  standing  in  far  bet- 
ter condition  than  their  present  ruinous  appearance 
would  indicate,  and  but  a  short  distance  from  the  nar- 
row defile  at  Apache  Canon,  or  Canoncito,  where  Gov- 
ernor Armijo's  army  was  posted  in  an  almost  impreg- 
nable position,  sustained  by  a  good  supply  of  artillery, 
and  strongly  defended  by  a  breastwork  of  huge  trees. 
It  was  intended  to  take  a  circuitous  route  which  passed 
around  this  narrow  defile,  and  so  avoid,  if  possible,  a 
conflict  under  the  terrible  disadvantages  which  that 
position  presented;  but  during  the  night  news  came 
that  the  Mexican  army  had  abandoned  its  position,  and 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  297 

retired  toward  Santa  Fe.  While  considerable  in  num- 
bers, it  was  heterogeneous  in  material,  the  regular  troops 
were  few,  and  the  great  bulk  of  the  force  was  made  up 
of  undisciplined  countrymen,  armed  with  such  weap- 
ons as  they  could  best  obtain,  and  General  Armijo 
seems  to  have  had  little  confidence  in  their  ability  to 
stand  a  charge  of  cavalry,  and  indeed  to  some  extent  in 
their  enthusiasm  and  earnestness  in  his  cause.  Greatly 
exaggerated  accounts  of  the  strength  of  the  invading 
army  had  been  spread,  the  size  of  the  coming  host  in- 
creasing with  each  repetition,  until  a  feeling  of  fear  and 
despondency  was  quite.general,  and  the  hasty  levies  from 
the  country  had  become  demoralized.  So  the  American 
army,  which  had  expected  to  take  a  circuitous  and  diffi- 
cult mountain  track  in  order  to  pass  around  the  strategic 
point  occupied  by  Armijo,  found  themselves  able  to 
march  directly  on  by  the  high  road,  only  incommoded 
by  the  trees  and  other  obstructions  which  had  been 
thrown  across  the  track  to  act  as  a  kind  of  breastwork  ; 
and  marched  rapidly  all  day,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  ac- 
complish the  whole  distance  to  the  Capital  City  (twenty- 
eight  miles)  before  night-fall. 

The  head  of  the  column  arrived  in  sight  of  the  city 
soon  after  three  o'clock,  but  waited  until  about  six  for 
the  rear  and  the  artillery  to  come  up,  as  it  was  desired 
to  enter  the  city  in  good  military  form.  General  Kear- 
ney and  several  officers  proceeded  to  the  Palace,  where 
he  was  received  by  Juan  Bautista  Vigil,  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  and  the  government  of  the  city  formally 
transferred.  A  little  before  sunset  the  troops  marched 
into  the  plaza,  raised  and  saluted  the  "  stars  and  stripes/' 
and  then  retired,  without  food  or  fuel,  to  make  a  camp 
on  top  of  one  of  the  surrounding  hills  south-east  of  the 
town.  The  baggage  had  not  arrived,  but  before  dark 
the  enterprising  drivers  of  burros  laden  with  wood  had 
supplied  material  for  fires,  and  the  soldiers,  hungry  and 
thirsty,  soon  filled  the  saloons  and  hotels  until  literally 


298  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

driven  to  the  encampment  by  the  guard.  General 
Kearney  slept  on  the  floor  in  the  Palace.  Colonel  Cooke, 
with  fifty  men,  was  put  in  charge  of  the  city. 

Meanwhile  General  Armijo  had  proceeded  toward 
Albuquerque,  disbanding  the  militia  and  taking  with 
him  only  the  regular  troops,  but  having  to  abandon  his 
artillery,  which  was  soon  after  found  and  brought  into 
the  city.  This  consisted  of  nine  pieces  in  all,  and  among 
them,  an  old  Spanish  cannon  with  the  inscription, 
11  Barcelona,  1778,"  and  one  fine  Texan  piece  bearing  the 
name  of  President  Lamar,  and  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  Texan  "  Santa  Fe  Expedition." 

Thus  was  accomplished,  without  the  shedding  of  a 
drop  of  blood,  an  entire  change  in  the  government  of 
the  Territory ;  and  without  having  to  strike  a  blow, 
what  has  been  called  the  "Conquest  of  New  Mexico" 
was  effected.  Few  such  campaigns  have  been  known  in 
history.  A  little  army,  hardly  larger  than  a  full  regi- 
ment, had  marched  900  miles  from  its  base  of  supplies, 
largely  through  a  desert  region,  with  its  communications 
liable  at  any  time  to  be  cut  off,  and  without  sufficient 
provisions,  or  money  to  procure  them,  for  the  long 
period  required.  The  heat  was  excessive  during  much 
of  the  march,  and  the  suffering  therefrom,  when  water 
could  not  be  obtained,  was  intense.  In  crossing  what 
was  then  called  the  "  Great  American  Desert,"  through 
what  is  now  western  Kansas  and  southern  Colorado, 
they  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  water.  In  the  lan- 
guage of  the  historian  of  Doniphan's  expedition,  "In 
the  course  of  a  day's  march  we  could  scarcely  find  a  pool 
of  water  to  quench  the  thirst,  a  patch  of  grass  to  prevent 
our  animals  from  perishing,  or  an  oasis  to  relieve  the 
weary  mind.  Dreary,  sultry,  desolate,  boundless  solitude 
reigned  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  and  seemed  to 
bound  the  distant  horizon.  We  suffered  much  with  the 
heat  and  thirst,  and  the  driven  sand,  which  filled  our 
eyes,  and  nostrils,  and  mouths  almost  to  suffocation. 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  299 

Many  of  our  animals  perished  on  the  desert."  The  vol- 
unteer troops  were  badly  furnished  as  to  wagons  and 
teams,  often  reduced  to  half  rations,  and  the  provisions 
frequently  so  far  behind  as  not  to  arrive  before  midnight. 

At  Bents'  Fort,  in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of 
provisions,  the  daily  allowance  was  reduced  to  half  a 
pound  of  flour,  and  three-eighths  of  a  pound  of  pork — 
thus  cutting  off  the  rations  of  coffee,  sugar,  salt,  rice, 
etc.,  which  had  previously  been  furnished.  After  enter- 
ing New  Mexico  the  army  subsisted,  until  its  arrival  at 
Santa  Fe,  on  about  one-third  of  the  regular  rations. 
Even  with  this  reduction,  there  were  on  hand  only 
sufficient  rations  to  last  the  number  of  days  required  to 
reach  Santa  Fe  by  the  most  rapid  and  uninterrupted 
marching;  no  allowance  had  been  made  for  delays  or 
detentions ;  and  although  making  forced  marches,  the 
army  arrived  at  the  Capital  entirely  destitute  of  pro- 
visions. And  even  here  there  was  but  little  improve- 
ment for  a  time,  for  the  expedition  had  not  been  prop- 
erly supplied  with  money,  and  the  people  having  been 
declared  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  therefore  en- 
titled to  full  protection  of  their  property,  no  supplies 
could  be  had  from  them  except  by  cash  payment.  Had 
the  country  been  treated  as  conquered  territory,  sup- 
plies of  course  could  have  been  seized  and  used;  but 
carrying  out  the  opposite  theory,  no  property  could  be 
taken  or  disturbed  except  as  purchased  from  the  owners; 
and  so  the  army  found  itself  in  a  very  extraordinary 
and  embarrassing  position — compelled  on  the  one  hand 
to  be  on  its  guard  against  a  people  who  might  at  any 
moment  rise  in  hostility,  and  on  the  other,  not  having 
any  of  the  advantages  as  to  supplies  which  would  have 
resulted  from  a  condition  of  open  war. 

The  first  business  of  the  General,  after  attending  to 
the  pressing  wants  of  the  soldiers,  was  to  secure  the 
fruits  of  victory,  and  guard  against  any  uprising  of  the 
people  or  the  coming  of  a  Mexican  army  from  the  south  ; 


300 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 


and  so  the  erection  of  Fort  Marcy  (named  for  Hon.  Wm. 
L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  then  the  Secretary  of  War) 
was  immediately  commenced.  This  was  situated  on 
the  hill  north-east  of  the  city,  which  commanded  the 
entire  town,  and  on  the  very  spot  where,  centuries  be- 
fore, the  Pueblo  chiefs  had  established  their  head-quar- 
ters in  the  rebellion  of  1680.  The  fort  was  planned  by 
Lieutenant  Gilmer,  of  the  topographical  corps,  and  L. 
A.  McLean,  a  civil  engineer  in  a  Missouri  company,  and 
was  built  by  the  volunteers,  a  certain  number  of  whom 
were  detailed  each  day  for  the  purpose.  This  was  a 
source  of  great  complaint,  as  the  men  felt  that  they  had 
volunteered  to  fight,  but  not  to  act  as  laborers;  and 
even  the  small  extra  compensation  (eighteen  cents  a 
day)  allowed,  failed  to  reconcile  them  to  what  many  con- 
sidered a  hardship  and  imposition.  The  fort,  however, 
was  finally  completed,  its  form  being  an  irregular  tri- 
decagon,  and  its  walls  being  massively  built  of  adobes. 
In  size  it  was  sufficient  to  accommodate  1,000  soldiers, 
and  it  was  armed  with  fourteen  cannon. 

This  fortress  was  the  more  necessary  because  the 
"  Army  of  the  West "  was  not  to  be  an  army  of  occu- 
pation; but  was  intended  to  push  on  to  greater  con- 
quests on  the  Pacific  coast. 

General  Kearney,  with  characteristic  vigor,  proceeded 
to  set  in  order  a  provisional  government.  In  this  he 
showed  tact  and  discretion  as  well  as  energy.  The 
instructions  which  he  had  received  were  conceived  in 
the  proper  spirit,  the  fundamental  idea  being  that  the 
people  of  the  Territory  were  not  to  consider  themselves 
as  conquered,  but  simply  as  brought  under  the  good 
influences  of  the  free  liberal,  and  stable  institutions 
of  the  United  States.  The  confidential  instructions 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  June  3,  1846,  contained 
these  extracts  :  "  Should  you  conquer  and  take  posses- 
sion of  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California,  you  will 
establish  temporary  civil  governments  therein,  abolish- 


AMERICAN   OCCUPATION.  301 

ing  all  arbitrary  restrictions  that  may  exist  so  far  as  it 
may  be  done  with  safety.  In  performing  this  duty,  it 
would  be  wise  and  prudent  to  continue  in  their  employ- 
ment all  such  of  the  existing  officers  as  are  known  to  be 
friendly  to  the  United  States,  and  will  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  them.  You  may  assure  the  people  of  those 
provinces  that  it  is  the  wish  and  design  of  the  United 
States  to  provide  for  them  a* free  government,  with  the 
least  possible  delay,  similar  to  that  which  exists  in  our 
Territories.  Then  they  will  be  called  upon  to  exercise 
the  rights  of  freemen,  in  electing  their  own  representa- 
tives to  the  Territorial  Legislature.  In  your  conduct 
you  will  act  in  such  a  manner  as  best  to  conciliate  the 
inhabitants,  and  render  them  friendly  to  the  United 
States." 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  General  Kearney  assem- 
bled the  people  in  the  plaza  and  addressed  them  as 
follows,  his  words  being  translated  by  the  interpreter 
Roubidoux  :  "  New  Mexicans!  we  have  come  amongst 
you  to  take  possession  of  New  Mexico,  which  we  do  in 
the  name  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
We  have  come  with  peaceable  intentions  and  kind  feel- 
ings towards  you  all.  We  come  as  friends  to  better 
your  condition,  and  make  you  a  part  of  the  Republic 
of  the  United  States.  We  mean  not  to  murder  you,  or 
rob  you  of  your  property.  Your  families  shall  be  free 
from  molestation  ;  your  women  secure  from  violence. 
My  soldiers  will  take  nothing  from  you  but  what  they 
pay  you  for.  In  taking  possession  of  New  Mexico,  we 
do  not  mean  to  take  away  your  religion  from  you.  Re- 
ligion and  government  have  no  connection  in  our 
country.  There,  all  religions  are  equal ;  one  has  no 
preference  over  the  other ;  the  Catholic  and  Protestant 
are  esteemed  alike.  Every  man  has  a  right  to  serve  God 
according  to  his  heart.  When  a  man  dies  he  must  ren- 
der to  his  God  an  account  of  his  acts  here  on  earth, 
whether  they  be  good  or  bad.  In  our  Government  all 


302 


MERICAN    OCCUPATION. 


men  are  equal.  We  esteem  the  most  peaceable  man  the 
best  man.  I  advise  you  to  attend  to  your  domestic  pur- 
suits— cultivate  industry,  be  peaceable  and  obedient  to 
the  laws.  Do  not  resort  to  violent  means  to  correct 
abuses.  I  do  hereby  proclaim  that,  being  in  possession 
of  Santa  Fe,  I  am,  therefore,  virtually  in  possession  of 
all  New  Mexico.  Armijo  is  no  longer  your  Governor. 
His  power  is  departed.  But  he  will  return  and  be  as 
one  of  you.  When  he  shall  return  you  are  not  to  molest 
him.  You  are  no  longer  Mexican  subjects;  you  are 
now  become  American  citizens,  subject  only  to  the  laws 
of  the  United  States.  A  change  of  government  has 
taken  place  in  New  Mexico,  and  you  no  longer  owe  alle- 
giance to  the  Mexican  Government.  I  do  hereby  pro- 
claim my  intention  to  establish  in  this  Department  a 
civil  government,  on  a  republican  basis,  similar  to  those 
of  our  own  States.  It  is  my  intention,  also,  to  continue 
in  office  those  by  whom  you  have  been  governed,  except 
the  Governor,  and  such  other  persons  as  I  shall  appoint 
to  office  by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  me. 
I  am  your  Governor — henceforth  look  to  me  for  pro- 
tection." 

The  General  next  proceeded  to  inquire  if  they  were 
willing  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  Government,  to  which  having  given  their  con- 
sent, he  then  administered  to  the  Governor  ad  interim, 
the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Prefects,  the  Alcaldes,  and 
other  officers  of  state,  the  following  oath;  "Do  you 
swear  in  good  faith  that  under  all  circumstances  you 
will  bear  allegiance  to  the  laws  and  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  through  good  and  evil  you  will 
demean  yourselves  as  obedient  citizens  of  the  same,  in 
the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the- Holy 
Spirit,  Amen."  This  address  of  the  General's  was  re- 
ceived with  many  manifestations  of  satisfaction  and 
applause  by  the  people;  and  General  Kearney  then  pro- 
ceeded to  administer  a  similar  oath  to  several  delega- 


AMERICAN   OCCUPATION.  303 

tions  of  Pueblo  Indians  who  came  in  to  offer  their  sub- 
mission. 

His  next  act  was  to  cause  a  flag-staff,  100  feet  in 
height,  to  be  erected  in  the  center  of  the  plaza,  and  the 
American  flag  to  be  flung  to  the  breeze  from  its  top.  A 
grazing  camp  was  then  established  on  the  Galisteo  River, 
twenty-seven  miles  southerly  from  the  capital,  to  which 
the  horses  of  the  army,  wearied  from  their  long  and  ardu- 
ous journey,were  sent  to  recuperate  in  the  midst  of  plen- 
tiful grass  and  water.  Three  days  after  the  taking  of  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  General  Kearney  issued  the  following 
proclamation,  in  which  for  the  first  time  the  intention 
was  expressed  to  take  possession  of  territory  west  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  consequently  beyond  the  limits 
claimed  by  Texas. — 

PROCLAMATION  ! 

"  As  by  the  act  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  a  state  of 
war  exists  between  that  government  and  the  United 
States,  and  as  the  undersigned,  at  the  head  of  his 
troops,  on  the  18th  instant  took  possession  of  Santa  Fe, 
the  capital  of  the  Department  of  New  Mexico,  he  now 
announces  his  intention  to  hold  the  Department, with  its 
original  boundaries  (on  both  sides  of  the  Del  Norte),  as 
a  part  of  the  United  States,  and  under  the  name  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico.  The  undersigned  has  come  to 
New  Mexico  with  a  strong  military  force,  and  an  equally 
strong  one  is  following  close  in  his  rear.  He  has  more 
troops  than  necessary  to  put  down  any  opposition  that 
can  possibly  be  brought  against  him,  and  therefore  it 
would  be  folly  and  madness  for  any  dissatisfied  or  dis- 
contented persons  to  think  of  resisting  him.  The 
undersigned  has  instructions  from  his  Government  to 
respect  the  religious  institutions  of  New  Mexico,  to 
protect  the  property  of  the  Church,  to  cause  the  worship 
of  those  belonging  to  it  to  be  undisturbed,  and  their  re- 
ligious rights  in  the  amplest  manner  preserved  to  them. 
Also  to  protect  the  persons  and  property  of  all  quiet  and 
peaceable  inhabitants  within  its  boundaries,  against 
their  enemies,  the  Utes,  Navajoes,  and  others.  And  while 
he  assures  all  that  it  will  be  hi's  pleasure  as  well  as  his 
duty  to  comply  with  those  instructions,  he  calls  upon 


304  AMERICAN  OCCUPATION. 

them  to  exert  themselves  in  preserving  order,  in  pro- 
moting concord,  and  in  maintaining  the  authority  and 
efficiency  of  the  laws  ;  to  require  of  those  who  have  left 
their  homes  and  taken  up  arms  against  the  troops  of 
the  United  States  to  return  forthwith  to  them,  or  else 
they  will  be  considered  as  enemies  and  traitors,  sub- 
jecting their  persons  to  punishment  and  their  property  to 
seizure  and  confiscation  for  the  benefit  of  the  public 
treasury.  It  is  the  wish  and  intention  of  the  United 
States  to  provide  for  New  Mexico  a  free  government, 
with  the  least  possible  delay,  similar  to  those  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  people  of  New  Mexico  will  then 
be  called  on  to  exercise  the  rights  of  free  men  in  elect- 
ing their  own  representatives  to  the  Territorial  Legis- 
lature ;  but  until  this  can  be  done,  the  laws  hitherto  in 
existence  will  be  continued  until  changed  or  modified 
by  competent  authority ;  and  those  persons  holding 
office  will  continue  in  the  same  for  the  present,  provided 
they  will  consider  themselves  good  citizens  and  willing 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  The 
undersigned  hereby  absolves  all  persons  residing  within 
the  boundary  of  New  Mexico  from  further  allegiance  to 
the  Republic  of  Mexico,  and  hereby  claims  them  as  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States.  Those  who  remain  quiet  and 
peaceable  will  be  considered  as  good  citizens  and  receive 
protection.  Those  who  are  found  in  arms,  or  instiga- 
ting others  against  the  United  States,  will  be  considered 
as  traitors,  and  treated  accordingly.  Don  Manuel  Ar- 
mijo,  the  late  Governor  of  this  Department,  has  fled 
from  it.  The  undersigned  has  taken  possession  of  it 
without  firing  a  gun  or  shedding  a  drop  of  blood — in 
which  he  most  truly  rejoices  ;  and  for  the  present  will 
be  considered  as  Governor  of  this  Territory. 

"Given  at  Santa  Fe,  the  Capital  of  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico,  this  22d  day  of  August,  1846,  and  in  the 
seventy-first  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States.  By  the  Governor, 

"S.  W.  KEARNEY, 
"Brigadier-General." 

While  everything  at  the  capital  was  quiet,  and  the 
best  of  feeling  appeared  to  exist  among  the  people  of 
Santa  Fe  towards  the  -American  authorities,  rumors 
arrived  of  the  concentration  of  quite  a  large  Mexican 


AMERICAN   OCCUPATION          .  305 

force  near  Albuquerque,  with  a  view  to  renew  hostili- 
ties, and  General  Kearney  determined  to  march  in  that 
direction  in  person,  in  order  to  prevent  the  execution  of 
any  such  plan;  and  by  personal  acquaintance,  to  gain 
the  confidence  of  the  people  of  the  Territory  at  large. 
He  started  on  September  2d,  taking  with  him  a  battery 
of  eight  pieces,  with  100  artillery-men,  a  battalion  of  100 
dragoons  under  Captain  Burgwin,  and  500  mounted 
volunteers.  Including  his  staff,  the  force  consisted  of 
725  men,  besides  fifty  or  sixty  Mexicans,  who  accom- 
panied the  expedition  as  a  kind  of  honorary  escort. 
When  near  Santo  Domingo  they  were  met  by  the 
"  Gobernador  "  of  the  pueblo,  carrying  his  official  cane, 
and  accompanied  by  the  other  officers  of  the  pueblo; 
and  after  the  usual  salutations,  the  "  Gobernador  "  said  : 
"  We  shall  meet  some  Indians  presently,  mounted  and 
dressed  for  war,  but  they  are  young  men  of  my  town — 
friends  come  to  receive  you — and  I  wish  to  caution  your 
men  not  to  fire  upon  them."  And  this  was  soon  verified 
by  the  appearance  of  a  band  of  Pueblos,  most  grotesquely 
dressed,  and  painted  to  represent  different  animals,  their 
heads  surmounted  by  buffalo-horns,  etc.,  who  dashed  by 
at  full  speed,  enveloped  in  a  cloud  of  dust,  and  firing 
volleys  under  the  bodies  of  the  horses  of  the  Americans 
as  they  passed.  After  arriving  in  the  town  the  General 
addressed  the  people  in  a  speech  which  had  to  be  doubly 
translated ; — into  Spanish,  and  from  that  language  into 
the  Pueblq  tongue. 

From  here  the  little  army  proceeded  to  San  Felipe, 
Algodones  (then  the  largest  town  of  the  valley),  and 
Bernalillo,  and  arrived  at  Albuquerque  on  the  morning 
of  the  25th,  receiving  a  salute  of  twenty  guns  from  the 
top  of  the  parish  church,  which  was  the  first  assurance 
they  had  that  the  city  was  not  occupied  by  a  hostile 
force.  The  next  day  a  deputation  came  up  from  the 
town  of  Peralta  to  offer  their  submission  to  the  new 
Government,  and  to  say  that  the  people  of  the  Rio  Abajo 


806  AMERICAN  OCCUPATION. 

(Lower  River)  desired  to  be  considered  as  friends.  The 
army  continued  its  march,  however,  stopping  a  short 
time  at  Peralta,  then  the  residence  of  many  of  the 
Chavez  family,  who  were  friends  to  the  Americans,  and 
going  as  far  as  Tome,  where  the  officers  attended  an  im- 
posing religious  ceremony  ;  and  then  returned  to  Santa 
Fe,  having  accomplished  all  that  was  most  essential  by 
demonstrating  to  every  inhabitant  of  the  country  that 
the  Americans  had  come  as  friends  and  not  as  enemies, 
and  recognized  every  New  Mexican  as  now  an  Amer- 
ican citizen. 

One  of  the  most  important  and  yet  difficult  and  del- 
icate tasks  which  had  to  be  performed  was  with  regard 
to  the  civil  law  to  be  observed  and  enforced  under  the 
new  regime.  This  of  course  required  immediate  action, 
and  General  Kearney  committed  the  work  of  preparing 
a  Code  to  Colonel  Doniphan  and  Willard  P.  Hall,  of  the 
Missouri  volunteers.  Just  as  this  work  was  being  com- 
pleted, and  while  he  was  actually  engaged  in  a  room  in 
the  Palace  in  transcribing  part  of  the  laws,  Mr.  Hall  re- 
ceived the  intelligence  of  his  election  as  a  Member  of 
Congress  from  the  district  in  Missouri  in  which  he  re- 
sided. As  preliminary  to  the  work  the  General  directed 
a  translation  to  be  made  of  all  the  laws  and  decrees 
found  in  the  official  archives  at  Santa  Fe — a  work 
which  was  rapidly  accomplished  by  Captain  David 
Waldo. 

This  Code,  much  of  which  has  remained  as  the  law  of 
the  Territory  for  nearly  forty  years,  contained  a  Bill  of 
Rights  quite  similar  to  those  in  many  of  the  States, 
proclaiming  the  broadest  principles  of  liberty,  and  was 
made  up  largely  from  Missouri  statutes  and  existing 
Mexican  laws.  It  was  to  be  promulgated  in  both  Span- 
ish and  English,  and  the  labor  of  translation  was  con- 
fided to  Captain  Waldo,  whose  varied  accomplishments 
and  scholarship  were  frequently  of.  much  value  in  sim- 
ilar matters.  Considerable  difficulty  was  experienced 


AMERICAN   OCCUPATION,  307 

in  printing  the  work,  the  only  press  in  the  Territory  be- 
ing a  small  one  which  had  been  used  by  the  former 
government  in  printing  proclamations,  public  notices, 
manifestos,  etc.  The  type  was  worn,  and  ink  and  other 
materials  difficult  to  obtain  ;  but  finally  the  work  was 
accomplished.  The  type  being  Spanish,  and  conse- 
quently containing  no  "W,"  we  are  told  that  whenever 
that  letter  occurred  in  the  book,  the  compositors  had  to 
substitute  two  "Vs."  This  "Kearney  Code"  was  pro- 
mulgated on  September  22d,  and  took  effect  immediately. 
'General  Kearney  promptly  established  a  provisional 
government  by  the  appointment  of  a  Governor,  Judges, 
.etc.  The  following  was  the  official  notice  which  was 
circulated  throughout  the  Territory,  in  both  English  and 
Spanish, — 

NOTICE. 

"Beingduly  authorized  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  I  hereby  make  the  following  appoint- 
ments for  the  government  of  New  Mexico,  a  Territory  of 
the  United  States.  The  officers  thus  appointed  will  be 
obeyed  and  respected  accordingly  :  Charles  Bent  to  be 
Governor  ;  Donaciano  Vigil  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Terri- 
tory; Richard  Dallam  to  be  Marshal ;  Francis  P.  Blair 
to  be  U.  S.  District  Attorney ;  Charles  Blumner  to  be 
Treasurer  ;  Eugene  Leitensdorfer  to  be  Auditor  of  Pub- 
lic Accounts;  Joab  Houghton,  Antonio  Jose  Otero, 
Charles  Beaubien,  to  be  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court. 

"Given  at  Santa  Fe,  the  Capital  of  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico,  this  22d  day  of  September,  1846,  and  in 
the  seventy-first  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States.  S.  W.  KEARNEY, 

Brigadier  General,  U.  S.  A." 

Charles  Bent  was  an  old  resident  of  the  Territory, 
and  with  his  brother,  the  owner  of  Bents'  Fort.  He 
was  an  able  and  popular  man,  and  married  to  a  native- 
born  New  Mexican  lady  of  Taos. 

Donaciano  Vigil  was  a  native  New  Mexican,  born 
September  6,  1802,  who  had  held  a  number  of  public 
positions,  both  civil  and  military,  and  enjoyed  the  con- 


308  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

fidence  and  respect  of  the  whole  people.  He  had  been 
active  in  expeditions  against  the  Navajoes  in  1823, 1833, 
1836,  and  1838 ;  for  over  four  years  military  secretary  of 
the  Governor ;  twice  a  member  of  the  Departmental 
Assembly,  etc.;  and  so  had  an  official  experience  of  great 
value. 

Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  was  the  well-known  member  of 
the  Blair  family  who  afterwards  represented  the  St.  Louis 
District  in  the  United  States  Congress,  being  the  first 
Republican  representative  ever  elected  in  a  slave  State. 

Richard  Dallam  was  an  American,  residing  at  the 
Placers  and  engaged  in  mining  operations  there. 

Eugene  Leitensdorfer  was  a  Santa  Fe  merchant,  who 
had  married  the  daughter,  Soledad,  of  Governor  Santiago 
Abreu. 

Joab  Houghton  was  a  well-known  lawyer,  who  after- 
wards held  the  office  of  Associate  Justice,  under  the 
regular  Territorial  government,  for  a  number  of  years, 
from  1865  to  1869. 

Antonio  Jose  Otero  was  the  representative  of  one  of 
the  most  important  Spanish  families  in  New  Mexico,  a 
man  of  high  character  and  reputation,  and  influential 
connections. 

Charles  Beaubien  had  been  a  resident  of  Taos  since 
about  1827,  and  had  married  a  sister  of  Don  Pedro 
Valdez,  in  1828.  He  was  widely  known  and  respected. 

On  the  26th  of  September  the  column  for  California, 
under  command  of  General  Kearney,  set  off  on  the  long 
journey  to  conquer  an  empire  on  the  Pacific,  choosing 
as  the  least  of  two  unknown  evils  the  southern  route 
along  the  Gila,  and  really  making  what  General  Cooke 
aptly  calls,  "a  leap  in  the  dark  of  a  thousand  miles  of 
wild  plain  and  mountain."  General  Kearney,  on  leaving 
the  Territory,  which  he  had  practically  annexed,  and  to 
which  he  had  given  a  new  government  and  code  of  laws, 
turned  over  the  command  to  Colonel  Doniphan. 

Two  days  afterward,on  September  28,General  Sterling 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  309 

Price  arrived  at  Santa  Fe,  in  a  feeble  state  of  health,  and 
accompanied  only  by  his  staff.  The  troops  under  his 
command,  consisting  of  1,200  mounted  volunteers  from 
Missouri,  and  a  Mormon  battalion  of  500  infantry  organ- 
ized at  Council  Bluffs,  reached  the  city  a  few  days  later, 
having  completed  the  march  across  the  plains  in  fifty- 
three  days.  The  capital  was  now  literally  alive  with 
artillery,  baggage-wagons,  commissary  teams,  beef- 
cattle,  and  a  promiscuous  throng  of  American  soldiers, 
traders,  visitors,  straglers,  trappers,  amateurs,  moun- 
taineers, Mexicans,  Pueblo  Indians,  women  and  chil- 
dren, numbering  perhaps  not  less  than  14,000  souls. 
The  aggregate  effective  force  of  the  American  army  in 
New  Mexico  at  this  time  was  about  3,500  men. 

Colonel  Doniphan  had  been  ordered  to  march  to  Chi- 
huahua, where  it  was  supposed  General  Wool  had  arrived 
from  San  Antonio,  and  great  preparations  were  made  for 
the  campaign ;  but  just  as  he  was  about  starting,  the 
attacks  made  by  bands  of  Navajoes  on  Polvedero  and  other 
towns  made  necessary  some  efficient  action  against  that 
tribe,  and  so  the  Colonel  was  directed,  by  a  special  order 
sent  by  General  Kearney  from  La  Joya  while  en  route  for 
California,  to  make  a  campaign  against  them,  before  pro- 
ceeding on  his  more  adventurous  southern  trip.  Thus 
a  part  of  the  army  which  had  started  out  in  hostility  to 
Mexicans  found  its  first  active  duty  in  the  protection  of 
the  Mexican  people  themselves  against  their  inveterate 
enemies. 

With  characteristic  promptitude  Doniphan  per- 
formed the  task.  Leaving  Colonel  Price  at  Santa  Fe, 
he  set  out  on  October  26th,  dividing  his  forces  into  two 
parts.  With  one  he  proceeded  to  Albuquerque,  and 
thence  up  the  Rio  Puerco  to  the  head-waters  of  its 
western  branch;  while  Major  Gilpin,  in  command  of 
200  men,  marched  up  the  valley  of  the  Chama  from 
Abiquiu,  crossed  the  u  Great  Continental  Divide,"  and 
proceeded  down  the  San  Juan  to  the  valley  of  the  Little 


310  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

Colorado.  Nothing  more  romantic  or  daring  is  recorded 
in  the  pages  of  history  than  Captain  Reid's  expedition, 
with  an  escort  of  only  thirty  men,  to  the  center  of  the 
Indian  population  ;  and  Gilpin's  march  across  the  Cor- 
dilleras. The  whole  country  of  the  Navajoes  was  visited, 
and  the  tribe  brought  together  at  Ojo  del  Oso,  where  a 
treaty  was  successfully  concluded,  and  the  regiment  re- 
turned to  the  Rio  Grande,  reaching  Socorro  on  Decem- 
ber 12th,  having  accomplished  its  whole  work  most  effi- 
ciently in  little  more  than  six  weeks. 

The  novel  position  which  the  American  army  thus 
assumed,  as  the  champions  and  protectors  of  the  people 
who  had  so  lately  been  their  enemies,  is  well  illustrated 
by  a  part  of  the  proceedings  at  the  "  long  talk,"  which 
preceded  the  making  of  this  treaty  with  the  Navajoes. 
After  the  first  statement  by  Colonel  Doniphan,  a  young 
Navajo  Chief, Sarcilla  Largo, a  very  bright  man, responded 
that  he  was  gratified  to  learn  the  views  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. "  He  admired  their  spirit  and  enterprise,  but 
detested  the  Mexicans."  The  next  day  Colonel  Doniphan 
explained  to  the  council  "  that  the  United  States  had 
taken  military  possession  of  New  Mexico;  that  her  laws 
were  now[extended  over  that  Territory ;  that  the  New 
Mexicans  would  be  protected  against  violence  and  in- 
vasion ;  and  that  their  rights  would  be  amply  preserved 
to  them:  that  the  United  States  was  also  anxious  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace  and  lasting  friendship  with 
her  red  children,  the  Navajoes;  that  the  same  protection 
would  be  given  them  against  encroachments,  and  the 
usurpation  of  their  rights,  as  had  been  guaranteed  to 
the  New  Mexicans ;  that  the  United  States  claimed  all 
the  country  by  the  right  of  conquest,  and  both  they  and 
the  New  Mexicans  were  now  equally  become  her  child- 
ren." Then  the  same  young  Chief,  with  great  acuteness 
boldly  replied:  "Americans!  you  have  a  strange 
cause  of  war  against  the  Navajoes.  We  have  waged  war 
against  the  New  Mexicans  for  many  years.  We  have 


AMERICAN    OCCUPATION.  311 

plundered  their  villages  and  killed  many  of  their 
people,  and  made  many  prisoners.  We  had  just  cause 
for  all  this.  You  have  lately  commenced  a  war  against 
the  same  people.  You  are  powerful.  You  have  great 
guns  and  many  brave  soldiers.  You  have  therefore  con- 
quered them,  the  very  thing  we  have  been  attempting 
to  do  for  so  many  years.  You  now  turn  upon  us  for 
attempting  to  do  what  you  have  done  yourselves.  We 
cannot  see  why  you  have  cause  to  quarrel  with  us  for 
fighting  the  New  Mexicans  on  the  west,  while  you  do 
the  same  thing  on  the  east.  Look  how  matters  stand. 
This  is  our  war.  We  have  more  right  to  complain  of  you 
for  interfering  in  our  war  than  you  have  to  quarrel 
with  us  for  continuing  a  war  we  had  begun  long  before 
you  got  here.  If  you  will  act  justly,  you  will  allow  us 
to  settle  our  own  differences." 

Colonel  Doniphan  then  explained  that  the  New 
Mexicans  had  surrendered  ;  that  they  desired  no  more 
fighting ;  that  it  was  a  custom  with  the  Americans, 
when  a  people  gave  up,  to  treat  them  as  friends  thence- 
forward ;  that  we  now  had  full  possession  of  New  Mex- 
ico and  had  attached  it  to  our  Government ;  that  the 
whole  country  and  every  thing  in  it  had  become  ours 
by  conquest ;  and  that  when  they  now  stole  property 
from  the  New  Mexicans  they  were  stealing  from  us, 
and  when  they  killed  them  they  were  killing  our  peo- 
ple, for  they  had  now  become  ours  ;  that  this  could  not 
be  suffered  any  longer.  Finally  after  some  considera- 
tion the  Chief  responded  :  "  If  New  Mexico  be  really  in 
your  possession,  and  if  it  be  the  intention  of  your  Gov- 
ernment to  hold  it,  we  will  cease  our  depredations,  and 
refrain  from  future  wars  upon  that  people ;  for  we  have 
no  cause  of  quarrel  with  you,  and  do  not  desire  to  have 
any  war  with  so  powerful  a  nation.  Let  there  be  peace 
between  us."  This  was  the  end  of  the  speaking,  and  so 
the  treaty  was  signed. 

This  expedition  to  the  westward,  with  all  its  dan- 


312  AMERICAN    OCCUPATION. 

gers  and  hardships,  was  a  fitting  prelude  to  that  extraor- 
dinary march  and  conquest  which  have  rendered  the 
name  of  Doniphan  immortal,  and  which  have  been  not 
inappropriately  compared  by  as  high  authority  as 
William  Cullen  Bryant  to  Xenophon's  celebrated  "  Re- 
treat of  the  Ten  Thousand." 

On  October  12th  the  Mormon  battalion,  which  was 
to  be  formed  at  Council  Bluffs  of  refugees  from  Nauvoo, 
arrived  at  Santa  Fe ;  and  its  commander  having  died,  it 
was  put  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Cooke,  and  a 
week  later  started  south  and  west  to  follow  the  route 
taken  by  General  Kearney  to  California. 

Doniphan's  march  to  Chihuahua  commenced  on  De- 
cember 14th,  leaving  Colonel  Price,  of  the  Second 
Missouri  Mounted  Volunteers,  in  command  of  the  few 
remaining  troops  in  New  Mexico. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 


THE    REVOLT    OF    1847. 

SCARCELY  had  a  day  passed  after  the  departure  of 
General  Doniphan,  before  information  came  that 
preparations  were  being  made  for  a  general  revolt  against 
the  American  authority.  While  the  people  generally 
had  apparently  submitted  to  the  new  order  of  things 
with  a  good  grace,  yet  there  was  naturally  much  dis- 
content beneath  the  quiet  external  appearance,  espe- 
cially among  the  wealthy  and  those  who  had  been  local 
leaders,  and  who  thought  that  the  attainment  of  their 
ambition  or  the  pursuit  of  their  pleasures  might  be  in- 
terfered with  by  the  new  regime.  Besides,  we  are  to  re- 
member in  judging  of  the  acts  of  those  days,  that  the 
people  were  Mexicans,  and  their  territory  a  part  of  the 
Republic  of  Mexico,  which  had  been  invaded  by  an 
American  army  and  was  being  held  by  force  of  arms ; 
and  that  so  long  as  the  war  continued  it  was  simply  an 
act  of  patriotism,  from  their  point  of  view,  to  drive  from 
their  soil  these  invaders  of  their  country,  or  to  destroy 
them  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  What  afterwards, 
when  they  had  accepted  American  citizenship,  would 
have  been  treason  and  rebellion,  at  that  time,  while 
war  was  raging  between  the  two  countries,  was  for  them, 
as  Mexican  citizens  held  under  foreign  military  control, 
a  natural  manifestation  of  love  of  country.  This  view 
of  the  matter  was  officially  taken  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  himself,  who  pardoned  several  of  those 
engaged  in  the  revolt,  after  they  had  been  convicted  of 
treason  and  sentenced  to  be  hung,  on  the  ground  that  as 
actual  war  was  existing  between  the  two  governments, 
a  Mexican  citizen  could  not  commit  treason  against  the 


314  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

United  States;  and  this  should  be  carefully  borne  in 
mind,  in  reading  and  judging  of  the  events  connected 
with  the  American  occupation  and  the  revolt  of  1847  ; 
and  it  is  also  to  be  noted  that  those  who  were  most 
patriotic  Mexicans,  while  they  were  Mexicans,  have 
been  among  the  most  valuable  and  loyal  American  citi- 
zens in  civil  affairs,  in  Indian  wars,  and  the  war  of  the 
Rebellion,  since  the  treaty  of  peace  transferred  their 
allegiance. 

The  leaders  in  the  attempt  to  recapture  the  country 
from  the  Americans  were  Don  Diego  Archuleta,  of  Los 
Luceros,  who  had  been  a  delegate  to  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress from  New  Mexico,  and  Don  Tomas  Ortiz,  of  Santa 
Fe,  who  had  been  second  in  command  to  Armijo ;  both 
men  of  extensive  connections  and  large  influence.  They 
were  supported  in  the  enterprise  by  many  leading  citi- 
zens of  the  Territory,  including— according  to  the  histo- 
ries of  Hughes  and  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  and  as  was  generally 
believed  at  the  time — Tomas  C.  de  Baca,  of  Pena  Blanca, 
Manuel  Chavez,  Miguel  E.  Pino,  Nicolas  Pino,  and 
Pablo  Dominguez ;  and  Hughes  also  mentions  Santiago 
Armijo,  Domingo  Baca,  and  Juan  Lopez.  It  subse- 
quently appeared,  however,  that  several  of  these  parties 
were  not  concerned  in  this  attempt.  Among  those 
specially  active  in  the  affair  were  some  of  the  Mexican 
priesthood,  the  most  prominent  being  Padre  Jose  Manuel 
Gallegos  and  Padre  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz.  These  two  took 
an  important  part  in  arranging  the  preliminaries  of  the 
revolt.  Padre  Ortiz  went  to  the  north  as  far  as  La  Joya 
at  the  time  of  the  festival  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guada- 
lupe  (December  12th)  to  perform  the  religious  services 
appropriate  to  the  occasion,  and  from  there  visited  the 
Rio  Arriba  and  Taos  regions  to  excite  the  people  to 
action.  Padre  Gallegos  simultaneously  came  up  from 
Albuquerque  to  perfect  arrangements  with  the  leaders 
around  Santa  Fe.  The  first  general  meeting  was  held 
on  December  12th,  and  it  was  then  decided  that  the 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  315 

revolution  should  take  place  one  week  from  that  date — 
a  general  rising  being  made  all  over  the  country.  The 
programme  was  to  kill  or  drive  out  of  the  Territory  all 
Americans,  and  also  all  Mexicans  who  had  taken  office 
under  the  American  Government  since  the  occupation. 

Everything  was  arranged  with  the  utmost  secrecy, 
and  organized  so  that  each  leader  should  have  his  ap- 
pointed part  in  the  work  to  perform.  It  was  agreed 
that  on  the  night  of  the  appointed  day  (December  19th) 
those  engaged  in  the  conspiracy  in  Santa  Fe  were  to 
gather  in  the  parochial  church  and  remain  concealed. 
Meanwhile,  friends  from  the  surrounding  country,  under 
the  lead  of  Don  Diego  Archuleta,  who  was  to  be  the 
General-in-Chief,  were  to  be  brought  into  the  city  and 
distributed  in  various  houses  where  they  would  be  un- 
observed. At  midnight  the  church  bell  was  to  sound, 
and  then  the  men  within  the  church  were  to  sally  forth 
and  all  were  to  rendezvous  immediately  in  the  plaza, 
seize  the  cannon  there  and  aim  them  so  as  to  command 
the  leading  points,  while  detachments  under  special 
orders  were  to  attack  the  Palace  and  the  quarters  of  the 
American  Commandant  (Colonel  Price),  and  make  them 
prisoners.  The  people  throughout  the  whole  north  of 
the  Territory  had  been  secretly  notified,  and  were  only 
awaiting  news  of  the  rising  at  Santa  Fe  to  join  in  the 
revolt  and  make  it  a  sure  success.  In  fact,  everything 
seemed  favorable,  and  but  for  a  postponement,  agreed  to 
at  a  final  preparatory  meeting,  the  object  might  have 
been  accomplished.  Some  timid  spirits  then  argued 
that  more  time  was  needed  for  preparation,  and  so  the 
date  of  the  rising  was  changed  to  Christmas  eve,  which 
it  was  thought  was  the  most  propitious  occasion,  as  dis- 
cipline would  then  be  relaxed,  the  soldiers  would  be 
engaged  in  festivities  at  varipus  bailes  and  saloons  in  the 
town,  and  so — dispersed  and  unarmed — could  be  easily 
killed  or  captured. 

The   postponement,  however,  was  fatal  to  action  at 


31<)  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

that  time,  for  in  the  interim  information  of  the  con- 
spiracy reached  the  American  authorities,  as  is  said  by 
some,  through  a  mulatto  woman,  who  was  the  wife  of 
one  of  those  engaged  in  the  project  and  who  had  friends 
among  the  Americans  whom  she  wished  to  serve ;  and 
according  to  another  account,  from  Agustin  Duran. 
Very  possibly  the  news  came  from"  more  than  one  source, 
as  is  apt  to  be  the  case  with  secrets  too  long  kept.  At 
all  events,  the  Governor  took  vigorous  measures  to  re- 
press the  outbreak,  and  promptly  arrested  and  impris- 
oned a  number  of  the  supposed  leaders ;  among  whom 
were  Manuel  Chavez  and  the  Pino  brothers.  An  inves- 
tigation ensued,  from  which  it  appeared  that  these  three 
were  not  concerned  in  this  conspiracy  at  all,  the  sus- 
picions against  them  having  been  excited  by  the  prom- 
inent part  they  took  in  endeavoring  to  raise  a  volun- 
teer army  to  meet  the  Americans  in  the  field  before  the 
coming  of  General  Kearney,  as  narrated  in  Chapter 
XVI.  They  were  acquitted  and  released,  and  soon  after 
showed  their  loyalty  to  the  new  order  of  things  by  en- 
listing (Manuel  Chavez  and  Nicolas  Pino,  Miguel  E. 
Pino  being  sick)  in  the  volunteer  company  under  Col- 
onel St.  Vrain,  which  marched  to  put  down  the  Taos 
insurrection.  Ortiz  and  Archuleta,  who  were  to  have 
been,  respectively,  Governor  and  Commanding  General 
ur.der  the  revolutionary  government,  escaped  to  the 
south,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Lieutenant  Walker 
to  make  an  arrest,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  City 
of  Mexico,  where  they  remained  until  the  end  of  the 
war. 

This  opportune  discovery  prevented  the  projected 
-revolt  for  the  time,  but  did  not  allay  the  determination 
of  the  people  to  free  themselves  from  foreign  control  as 
soon  as  a  fitting  opportunity  presented  itself.  On  the 
contrary,  preparations  for  a  future  rising  were  secretly 
undertaken  on  a  scale  more  extended  than  before.  This 
time  certain  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,  and  especially  those 


REVOLT   OF  1847.  317 

of  Taos,  were  enlisted  in  the  cause,  and  added  much  to 
the  strength  and  prospects  of  the  enterprise.  The  time 
for  the  revolt  was  well  chosen,  as  was  the  place  of  the 
first  outbreak. 

Governor  Bent,  supposing  all  danger  past,  left  the 
capital  on  January  14th  to  visit  his  home  and  family  at 
Taos,  and  arrived  there  after  a  two  days'  trip.  He  was 
accompanied  by  five  persons,  including  the  sheriff,  pre- 
fect of  the  county,  and  the  circuit  attorney.  On  the 
night  of  the  19th  a  large  body  of  men,  partly  Mexicans 
and  partly  Pueblo  Indians,  attacked  his  residence,  and 
succeeded  that  night  not  only  in  killing  the  Governor, 
but  also  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  Stephen  Lee ;  J.  W. 
Leal,  the  circuit  attorney ;  Cornelio  Vigil,  the  prefect ; 
Narciso  Beaubien,  a  son  of  Judge  Beaubien ;  and  Pablo 
Jaramillo.  The  prefect  represented  the  class  of  natives 
of  the  Territory  who  had  accepted  office  under  the  United 
States  authorities,  and  his  death  showed  a  determina- 
tion to  destroy  all  those  who  had  taken  similar  positions. 
Jaramillo  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Governor  Bent,  and 
no  doubt  was  killed  for  that  reason. 

The  animosity  of  the  people  had  evidently  been 
aroused  to  the  highest  pitch  against  all  connected  with 
the  invaders,  as  we  told  that  the  most  cruel  feautures 
were  connected  with  the  murders  of  some  of  these  offi- 
cials, as  well  as  with  others  that  took  place  almost  si- 
multaneously in  the  vicinity ;  S.  Turley,  the  owner  of  the 
distillery,  and  six  other  Americans  at  work  at  the  Arroyo 
Hondo,  twelve  miles  above  Taos,  and  two  others  still 
farther  north  on  the  Rio  Colorado,  being  among  the  vic- 
tims, the  former  after  a  resistance  of  two  days. 

At  Mora,  at  the  same  time,  an  attack  was  made  on  a 
party  of  Americans  who  had  just  arrived  there  from 
Las  Vegas,  and  all  of  them  were  killed.  The  principal 
one  in  this  party  was  Mr.  L.  Waldo,  a  brother  of  Cap- 
tain Waldo  of  the  Missouri  volunteers,  and  father  of 
Henry  L.  Waldo,  afterward  Chief  Justice  of  New 


318  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

Mexico.  He  had  been  merchandising  for  some  years  in 
the  Territory,  was  well  known  and  much  respected. 
He  had  a  wagon  in  which  he  travelled,  and  on  this 
occasion  the  other  seven  Americans  who  fell  victims  had 
accompanied  him  in  the  wagon  from  Las  Vegas.  The 
bodies  of  all  those  thus  killed  at  Mora,  with  the  exception 
of  one  that  could  not  be  found,  were  subsequently 
brought  into  Las  Vegas  and  interred  there. 

The  startling  news  of  the  assassination  of  the  Gov- 
ernor was  swiftly  carried  to  Santa  Fe,  and  reached  Col- 
onel Price  the  next  day.  Simultaneously,  letters  were 
discovered  calling  on  the  people  of  the  Rio  Abajo  to 
secure  Albuquerque  and  march  northward  to  aid  the 
other  insurgents;  and  news  speedily  followed  that  a 
united  Mexican  and  Pueblo  force  of  large  magnitude 
was  marching  down  the  Rio  Grande  valley  towards  the 
capital,  flushed  with  the  success  of  the  revolt  at  Taos. 
Very  few  troops  were  in  Santa  Fe, ;  in  fact,  the  number 
remaining  in  the  whole  Territory  was  very  small,  and 
these  were  scattered  at  Albuquerque,  Las  Vegas,  and 
other  distant  points.  At  the  first  named  town  were 
Major  Edmondson  and  Captain  Burgwin ;  the  former 
in  command  of  the  town,  and  the  latter  with  a  com- 
pany of  the  First  Dragoons. 

Colonel  Price  lost  no  time  in  taking  such  measures 
as  his  limited  resources  permitted.  Edmondson  was  di- 
rected to  come  immediately  to  Santa  Fe  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  capital ;  and  Burgwin  to  follow  Price  as 
fast  as  possible  towards  the  scene  of  hostilities.  The 
Colonel  himself  collected  the  few  troops  at  Santa  Fe, 
which  were  all  on  foot,  but  fortunately  included  the 
little  battalion  which  under  Captain  Angney  had  made 
such  extraordinary  marches  on  the  journey  across  the 
plains  as  to  almost  outwalk  the  cavalry.  With  these 
was  a  volunteer  company  formed  of  nearly  all  of  the 
American  inhabitants  of  the  city,  under  command  of 
Colonel  St.  Vrain,  who  happened  to  be  in  Santa  Fe,  to- 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  319 

gether  with  Judge  Beaubien.  at  the  time  of  the  rising 
at  Taos.  With  this  little  force,  amounting  in  all  to  310 
men,  Colonel  Price  started  to  march  towards  Taos,  or  at 
all  events  to  meet  the  army  which  was  coming  towards, 
the  capital  from  the  north  and  which  grew  as  it  marched 
by  constant  accessions  from  the  surrounding  country. 
The  city  of  Santa  Fe  was  left  in  charge  of  a  garrison 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Willock.  While  the  force 
was  small  and  the  volunteers  without  experience  in 
regular  warfare, yet  all  were  nerved  almost  to  desperation 
by  the  belief,  since  the  Taos  murders,  that  the  only  al- 
ternative was  victory  or  annihilation. 

The  expedition  set  out  on  January  23d,  and  the  next 
day  the  Mexican  army,  under  command  of  General 
Montoya  as  Commander-in-Chief,  aided  by  Generals 
Tafoya  and  Chavez,  was  found  occupying  the  heights 
commanding  the  road  near  La  Canada  (Santa  Cruz), 
with  detachments  in  some  strong  adobe  houses  near  the 
river  banks.  The  advance  had  beea  seen  shortly  before 
at  the  rocky  pass,  on  the  road  from  Pojuaque  ;  and  near 
there  and  before  reaching  the  river,  the  San  Juan  Pu- 
eblo Indians,  who  had  joined  the  revolutionists  reluctant- 
ly and  under  a  kind  of  compulsion,  surrendered  and  were 
disarmed  by  removing  the  locks  from  their  guns.  On 
arriving  at  the  Canada,  Price  ordered  his  howitzers  to 
the  front  and  opened  fire ;  and  after  a  sharp  cannonade, 
directed  an  assault  on  the  nearest  houses  by  Angney's 
battalion.  Meanwhile  an  attempt  by  a  Mexican  detach- 
ment to  cut  off  the  American  baggage-wagons  which  had 
not  yet  come  up  was  frustrated  by  the  activity  of  St. 
Vrain's  volunteers.  A  charge  all  along  the  line  was 
then  ordered  and  handsomely  executed ;  the  houses, 
which  being  of  adobe,  had  been  practically  so  many 
ready-made  forts,  were  successively  carried,  and  St. 
Vrain  started  in  advance  to  gain  the  Mexican  rear. 
Seeing  this  manceuver,  and  fearing  its  effects,  the  Mexi- 
cans retreated,  leaving  thirty-six  dead  on  the  field. 


320  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

Among  those  killed  was  General  Tafoya,  who  bravely 
remained  on  the  field  after  the  remainder  had  abandoned 
it,  and  was  shot. 

Colonel  Price  pressed  on  up  the  river  as  fast  as  pos- 
sible, passing  San  Juan,  and  at  Los  Luceros,  on  the  28th, 
his  little  army  was  rejoiced  at  the  arrival  of  re-inforce- 
ments,  consisting  of  a  mounted  company  of  cavalry, 
Captain  Burgwin's  company,  which  had  been  pushed 
up  by  forced  marches  on  foot  from  Albuquerque,  and  a 
six-pounder  brought  by  Lieutenant  Wilson.  Thus  en- 
larged, the  American  force  consisted  of  480  men,  and 
continued  its  advance  up  the  valley  to  La  Joya,  which 
was  as  far  as  the  river  road  at  that  time  extended. 
Meanwhile  the  Mexicans  had  established  th'emselves  in 
a  narrow  pass  near  Embudo,  where  the  forest  was  dense, 
and  the  road  impracticable  for  wagons  or  cannon,  the 
troops  occupying  the  sides  of  the  mountain  on  both 
sides  of  the  canon.  Burgwin  was  sent  with  three  com- 
panies to  dislodge  them  and  open  a  passage — no  easy 
task.  But  St.  Vrain's  company  took  the  west  slope,  and 
another  the  right,  while  Burgwin  himself  marched 
through  the  gorge  between.  The  sharp-shooting  of 
these  troops  did  such  terrible  execution  that  the  pass 
was  soon  cleared,  though  not  without  the  display  of 
great  heroism,  and  some  loss ;  and  the  Americans 
entered  Embudo  without  further  opposition.  The  dif- 
ficulties of  this  campaign  were  greatly  increased  by  the 
severity  of  the  weather,  the  mountains  being  thickly 
covered  with  snow,  and  the  cold  so  intense  that  a  num- 
ber of  men  were  frost-bitten  and  disabled.  The  next 
day  Burgwin  reached  Las  Trampas,  where  Price  arrived 
with  the  remainder  of  the  American  army  on  the  last 
day  of  January,  and  all  together  they  marched  into 
Chamisal. 

Notwithstanding  the  cold  and  snow  they  pressed  on 
over  the  mountain,  and  on  the  3d  of  February  reached 
the  town  of  Fernando  de  Taos,  only  to  find  that  the 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  321 

Mexican  and  Pueblo  force  had  fortified  itself  in  the  cel- 
ebrated Pueblo  of  Taos,  about  three  miles  distant.  That 
force  had  diminished  considerably  during  the  retreat 
from  La  Canada,  many  of  the  Mexicans  returning  to 
their  homes,  and  its  greater  part  now  consisting  of  Pu- 
eblo Indians.  The  American  troops  were  worn  out  with 
fatigue  and  exposure,  and  in  most  urgent  need  of  rest ; 
but  their  intrepid  commander,  desiring  to  give  his  op- 
ponents no  more  time  to  strengthen  their  works,  and 
full  of  zeal  and  energy,  if  not  of  prudence,  determined 
to  commence  an  immediate  attack. 

The  two  great  buildings  at  this  Pueblo,  certainly  the 
most  interesting  and  extraordinary  inhabited  structures 
in  America,  are  well  known  from  descriptions  and  en- 
gravings. They  are  five  stories  high  and  irregularly 
pyramidal  in  shape,  each  story  being  smaller  than  the 
one  below,  in  order  to  allow  ingress  to  the  outer  rooms 
of  each  tier  from  the  roofs.  Before  the  advent  of  artil- 
lery these  buildings  were  practically  impregnable,  as 
when  the  exterior  ladders  were  drawn  up,  there  were 
no  means  of  ingress,  the  side  walls  being  solid  without 
openings,  and  of  immense  thickness.  Between  these 
great  buildings,  each  of  which  can  accommodate  a  mul- 
titude of  men,  runs  the  clear  water  of  the  Taos  Creek  ; 
and  to  the  west  of  the  northerly  building  stood  the  old 
church,  with  walls  of  adobe  from  three  to  seven  and  a 
half  feet  in  thickness.  Outside  of  all,  and  having  its 
north-west  corner  just  beyond  the  church,  ran  an  adobe 
wall,  built  for  protection  against  hostile  Indians,  and 
which  now  answered  for  an  outer  earth- work.  The 
church  was  turned  into  a  fortification,  and  was  the  point 
where  the  insurgents  concentrated  their  strength  •  and 
against  this  Colonel  Price  directed  his  principal  attack. 
The  six-pounder  and  the  howitzer  were  brought  into  posi- 
tion without  delay,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Dyer,  then  a  young  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  since 
then  Chief  of  Ordnance  of  the  U.  S.  Army,  and  opened 


322  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

a  fire  on  the  thick  adobe  walls.  But  cannon  balls  made 
little  impression  on  the  massive  banks  of  earth,  in  which 
they  imbedded  themselves  without  doing  damage  ;  and 
after  a  fire  of  two  hours,  the  battery  was  withdrawn, 
and  the  troops  allowed  to  return  to  the  town  of  Taos 
for  their  much-needed  rest. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  troops,  now  refreshed 
and  ready  for  the  combat,  advanced  again  to  the  Pueblo, 
but  found  those  within  equally  prepared.  The  story  of 
the  attack  and  capture  of  this  place  is  so  interesting,  both 
on  account;  of  the  meeting  here  of  old  and  new  systems 
of  warfare— of  modern  artillery  with  an  aboriginal 
stronghold — and  because  the  precise  localities  can  be 
distinguished  by  the  modern  tourist  from  the  descrip- 
tion, that  it  seems  best  to  insert  the  official  report  as 
presented  by  Colonel  Price.  Nothing  could  show  more 
plainly  how  superior  strong  earth-works  are  to  many 
more  ambitious  structures  of  defense,  or  more  forcibly 
display  the  courage  and  heroism  of  those  who  took  part 
in  the  battle,  or  the  signal  bravery  of  the  accomplished 
Captain  Burgwin  which  led "  to  his  untimely  death. 
Colonel  Price  writes, — 

"  Posting  the  dragoons  under  Captain  Burgwin  about 
two  hundred  and  sixty  yards  from  the  western  flank  of 
the  church,  I  ordered  the  mounted  men  under  Captains 
St.  Vrain  and  Slack  to  a  position  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  town,  whence  they  could  discover  and  intercept  any 
fugitives  who  might  attempt  to  escape  towards  the 
mountains,  or  in  the  direction  of  San  Fernando.  The 
residue  of  the  troops  took  ground  about  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  north  wall.  Here,  too,  Lieutenant  Dyer 
established  himself  with  the  six-pounder  and  two  how- 
itzers, while  Lieutenant  Hassendaubel,  of  Major  Clark's 
battalion,  light  artillery,  remained  with  Captain  Burg- 
win, in  command  of  two  howitzers.  By  this  arrange- 
ment a  cross-fire  was  obtained,  sweeping  the  front  and 
eastern  flank  of  the  church.  All  these  arrangements 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  323 

being  made,  the  batteries  opened  upon  the  town  at  nine 
o'clock  A.  M.  At  eleven  o'clock,  finding  it  impossible  to 
breach  the  walls  of  the  church  with  the  six-pounder 
and  howitzers,  I  determined  to  storm  the  building.  At 
a  signal,  Captain  Burgwin,  at  the  head  of  his  own  com- 
pany and  that  of  Captain  McMillin,  charged  the  western 
flank  of  the  church,  while  Captain  Angney,  infantry 
battalion,  and  Captain  Barber  and  Lieutenant  Boon, 
Second  Missouri  Mounted  Volunteers,  charged  the  north- 
ern wall.  As  soon  as  the  troops  above  mentioned  had 
established  themselves  under  the  western  wall  of  the 
church,  axes  were  used  in  the  attempt  to  breach  it,  and 
a  temporary  ladder  having  been  made,  the  roof  was 
fired.  About  this  time,  Captain  Burgwin,  at  the  head 
of  a  small  party,  left  the  cover  afforded  by  the  flank  of 
the  church,  and  penetrating  into  the  corral  in  front  of 
that  building,  endeavored  to  force  the  door.  In  this 
exposed  situation,  Captain  Burgwin  received  a  severe 
wound,  which  deprived  me  of  his  valuable  services,  and 
of  which  he  died  on  the  7th  instant.  Lieutenants  Mc- 
Ilvaine,  First  U  S.  Dragoons,  and  Royall  and  Lackland, 
Second  Regiment  Volunteers,  accompanied  Captain 
Burgwin  into  the  corral,  but  the  attempt  on  the  church 
door  proved  fruitless,  and  they  were  compelled  to  retire 
behind  the  wall.  In  the  meantime,  small  holes  had 
been  cut  in  the  western  wall,  and  shells  were  thrown  in 
by  hand,  doing  good  execution.  The  six-pounder  was 
now  brought  around  by  Lieutenant  Wilson,  who,  at  the 
distance  of  two  hundred  yards,  poured  a  heavy  fire  of 
grape  into  the  town.  The  enemy,  during  all  of  this 
time,  kept  up  a  destructive  fire  upon  our  troops.  About 
half-past  three  o'clock,  the  six-pounder  was  run  up 
within  sixty  yards  of  the  church,  and  after  ten  rounds, 
one  of  the  holes  which  had  been  cut  with  the  axes  was 
widened  into  a  practicable  breach.  The  storming  party, 
among  whom  were  Lieutenant  Dyer,  of  the  ordnance, 
and  Lieutenants  Wilson  and  Taylor,  First  Dragoons, 


324  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

entered  and  took  possession  of  the  church  without  op- 
position. The  interior  was  filled  with  dense  smoke, 
but  for  which  circumstance  our  storming  party  would 
have  suffered  great  loss  A  few  of  the  enemy  were  seen 
in  the  gallery,  where  an  open  door  admitted  the  air,  but 
they  retired  without  firing  a  gun.  The  troops  left  to 
support  the  battery  on  the  north  side  were  now  ordered 
to  charge  on  that  side. 

"The  enemy  then  abandoned  the  western  part  of 
the  town.  Many  took  refuge  in  the  large  houses  on  the 
east,  while  others  endeavored  to  escape  toward  the 
mountains.  These  latter  were  pursued  by  the  mounted 
men  under  Captains  Slack  and  St.  Vrain,  who  killed 
fifty-one  of  them,  only  two  or  three  men  escaping. 
It  was  now  night,  and  our  troops  were  quietly  quar- 
tered in  the  houses  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned. 
On  the  next  morning  the  enemy  sued  for  peace,  and 
thinking  the  severe  loss  they  had  sustained  would  prove 
a  salutary  lesson,  I  granted  their  supplication,  on  the 
condition  that  they  should  deliver  up  to  me  Tomas,  one 
of  their  principal  men,  who  had  instigated  and  been 
actively  engaged  in  the  murder  of  Governor  Bent  and 
others.  The  number  of  the  enemy  at  the  battle  of 
Pueblo  de  Taos  was  between  six  and  seven  hundred,  and 
and  of  these  one  hundred  and  fifty  were  killed,  wounded 
not  known.  Our  own  loss  was  se.ven  killed  and  forty- 
five  wounded  ;  many  of  the  wounded  have  since  died." 

The  capture  of  the  Taos  Pueblo  practically  ended  the 
main  attempt  to  expel  the  Americans  from  the  Terri- 
tory. Governor  Montoya,  who  was  a  very  influential 
man  in  the  conspiracy  and  styled  himself  the  "  Santa 
Ana  of  the  north,"  was  tried  by  court-martial,  convicted, 
and  executed  on  Febuary  7th,  in  presence  of  the  army. 
Fourteen  others  were  tried  for  participating  in  the  mur- 
der of  Governor  Bent  and  the  others  who  were  killed  on 
the  19th  of  January,  and  were  convicted  and  executed. 
Thus,  fifteen  in  all  were  hung,  being  an  equal  number 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  325 

to  those  murdered  at  Taos,  the  Arroyo  Hondo  and  Rio 
Colorado.  Of  these,  eight  were  Mexicans  and  seven 
were  Pueblo  Indians.  Several  more  were  sentenced  to 
be  hung  for  "  treason,"  but  the  President  very  prop- 
erly pardoned  them,  on  the  ground  that  treason  against 
the  United  States  was  not  a  crime  of  which  a  Mex- 
ican citizen  could  be  found  guilty,  while  his  coun- 
try was  actually  at  war  with  the  United  States. 

In  other  parts  of  New  Mexico  attempts  were  made  to 
revolt  simultaneously  with  the  rising  at  Taos,  or  very 
soon  after,  all  being  part  of  the  one  general  plan;  it 
having  been  intended  to  have  a  universal  destruction 
of  all  the  Americans,  including  Mexicans  holding  office 
under  the  American  Government,  in  the  entire  Territory. 

The  projected  rising  at  Las  Vegas  was  prevented  by 
the  faithfulness  of  the  Alcalde  to  his  oath,  and  the  prox- 
imity of  the  troops  under  Captain  Hendley.  The  day 
after  the  killing  of  Mr.  Waldo  and  his  seven  companions 
at  Mora,  a  swift  messenger  came  in  from  that  town  to 
Juan  de  Dios  Maes,  the  Alcalde,  at  Las  Vegas,  bringing 
a  letter  which  told  of  the  revolt  of  the  people  in  the 
north,  the  killing  of  Governor  Bent  and  others  at  Taos, 
and  of  the  eight  Americans  at  Mora,  and  called  on  the 
Mexicans  of  Las  Vegas  and  its  vicinity  to  join  their  north- 
ern brethren  in  the  work;  to  rise  immediately  and  kill 
all  the  Americans  among  them.  The  Alcalde  showed 
the  letter  to  Levi  J.  Keithley,  a  neighbor  on  the  plaza, 
and  the  latter  advised  that  they  should  consult  Antonio 
Sais,  a  citizen  of  excellent  judgment.  Sais  advised  the 
Alcalde  to  keep  faith  with  the  United  States  at  all  haz- 
ards, and  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  without  delay 
to  take  such  action  as  they  deemed  necessary.  This 
was  accordingly  done — the  call  being  made  by  beating 
a  drum  around  the  plaza.  When  the  crowd  had  as- 
sembled, the  Alcalde  read  to  them  the  letter  which  he 
had  received,  and  then  addressed  them  as  to  their  duty. 
"  You  all  saw  me  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 


326  REVOLT  OF  1847. 

United  States,"  he  said,  "on  the  house-top  across  the 
plaza.  I  consider  that  you  all  took  that  oath  through 
me,  as  your  Alcalde,  and  are  bound  as  much  as  myself. 
As  for  me,  I  assure  you  I  am  determined  to  live  and 
die  by  that  oath."  This  position  taken  by  the  local 
authority  had  great  weight,  and  the  people  agreed  to 
follow  his  advice.  Just  then  Captain  Hendley,  who 
was  in  command  of  a  detachment  of  soldiers  at  a  graz- 
ing-camp  near  Apache  Spring,  came  into  town,  and  was 
informed  of  what  had  occurred.  He  said  he  had  no 
orders  to  move  his  company,  but  that  if  any  attempt 
was  made  by  insurgents  from  Mora,  or  elsewhere,  to 
make  trouble,  he  could  be  depended  on  to  protect  the 
peaceable  citizens.  He  then  left  town,  but  had  scarcely 
started  when  threats  were  heard  which  alarmed  the 
Americans,  and  they  sent  a  swift  messenger  (a  French- 
man) to  urge  him  to  bring  up  his  company.  The  Cap- 
tain replied  that  he  could  not  move  without  orders,  but 
that  if  any  were  afraid,  they  could  come  to  his  camp  and 
be  protected.  "  No !  "  said  the  excited  Frenchman,  with 
an  oath,  ''  I  am  an  American  citizen,  and  demand  pro- 
tection herel  D n  the  orders!"  Finally  Hendley 

consented  to  come — and  arrived  early  the  next  morning 
with  his  company,  and  occupied  the  town.  Here  a 
number  of  volunteers  joined  him,  so  that  his  total  force 
was  increased  to  about  250  men. 

Full  particulars  of  the  killing  of  Mr.  Waldo  and  his 
seven  companions  at  Mora  had  now  been  received,  cre- 
ating great  indignation,  and  on  the  22d  of  January 
Captain  Hendley  started  on  an  expedition  against  that 
town  with  eighty  men,  with  the  intention  of  avenging 
their  deaths.  ^He  arrived  in  front  of  Mora  on  the  24th, 
but  found  the  town  occupied  by  over  150  armed  Mexi- 
cans. He  ordered  an  assault,  and  had  succeeded  in 
taking  possession  of  a  number  of  houses,  and  penetrated 
to  the  old  fort,  or  block  house,  built  for  protection  against 
Indians,  in  which  his  antagonists  had  entrenched  them- 
selves, when  he  fell,  a  victim  of  his  own  bravery ;  and 


REVOLT  OF  1847.  327 

his  command  withdrew.  A  few  days  subsequently, 
February  1st,  the  town  was  again  attacked  by  Captain 
Morin,  and  was  captured  and  much  of  it  demolished. 

About  the  same  time  Captain  Robinson's  camp  was 
surprised  and  200  horses  and  mules  captured,  one  man 
killed  and  several  wounded.  Captain  Edmondson 
started  from  Las  Vegas  in  pursuit  of  the  band  that  had 
made  the  attack,  came  up  with  them  in  the  narrow 
canon  near  the  junction  of  the  Canadian  and  Mora,  "  the 
hills  literally  covered  with  Indians  and  Mexicans,"  and 
after  a  sharp  skirmish  succeeded  in  dispersing  them. 

A  few  more  isolated  outbreaks  occurred,  generally  at 
points  remote  from  the  Capital,  as  at  Las  Valles,  in  San 
Miguel  County,  and  at  Captain  Morin's  camp,  at  the  Cie- 
nega,  eighteen  miles  below  Taos,  where  Lieutenant  Lar- 
kin  and  four  men  were  killed.  But  they  were  promptly 
met,  and  seem  to  have  arisen  more  from  bands  of  free- 
booters in  search  of  plunder  than  from  any  concerted  and 
patriotic  attempt  as  Mexicans  to  drive  the  invaders 
from  their  country.  Later  in  the  year  large  re-inforce- 
ments  came  to  the  American  army ;  and  the  people  be- 
gan to  learn  that  they  had  really  more  freedom  and  more 
protection  under  the  American  flag  than  under  that  of 
Mexico.  Many  of  the  stories  that  had  been  circulated 
to  influence  their  minds  against  the  new-comers,  time 
proved  to  be  untrue;  and  so  they  became  reconciled  to 
the  change  in  government. 

By  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  all  inhabitants 
of  New  Mexico,  except  those  who  chose  formally  to  re- 
tain the  character  of  Mexican  citizens,  became  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  with  the  same  rights  and  privi- 
leges as  all  other  citizens.  Thus  New  Mexico  became, 
beyond  dispute,  a  part  of  the  "  Great  Republic, "  and 
her  people  legally,  actually,  and  unalterably  united,  with 
the  millions  of  their  brother  freemen  under  the  stars 
and  stripes,  in  sustaining  the  honor  of  the  American 
nation,  enhancing  its  glory,  and  fulfilling  its  great 
mission. 


